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    READER, loe here a well-meaning Booke.  It doth at the first entrance forewarne thee, that in contriving the same I have proposed unto my selfe no other than a familiar and private end:  I have no respect or consideration at all, either to thy service, or to my glory: my forces are not capable of any such desseigne.  I have vowed the same to the particular commodity of my kinsfolk and friends: to the end, that losing me (which they are likely to do ere long), they may therein find some lineaments of my conditions and humours, and by that meanes reserve more whole, and more lively foster the knowledge and acquaintance they have had of me. Had my intention beene to forestal and purchase the world's opinion and favour, I would surely have adorned myselfe more quaintly, or kept a more grave and solemne march.  I desire therein to be delineated in mine own genuine, simple and ordinarie fashion, without contention, art or study; {PlainDealer+} for it is myselfe I pourtray.  My imperfections shall thus be read to the life, and my naturall forme discerned, so farre-forth as publike reverence hath permitted me.  For if my fortune had beene to have lived among those nations which yet are said to live under the sweet liberty of Nature's first and uncorrupted lawes, {Gonzalo+} I assure thee, I would most willingly have pourtrayed myselfe fully and naked.  Thus, gentle Reader, myselfe am the groundworke of my booke: it is then no reason thou shouldest employ thy time about so frivolous and vaine a subject.

THE most usuall way to appease those minds we have offended (when revenge lies in their hands, and that we stand at their mercy) is, by submission to move them to commiseration and pitty:  Neverthelesse, courage, constancie, and resolution (meanes altogether opposite) have sometimes wrought the same effect.  Edward the black Prince of Wales (who so long governed our Country of Guienne, a man whose conditions and fortune were accompanied with many notable parts of worth and magnanimitie) having beene grievously offended by the Limosins, though he by maine force tooke and entered their Citie, could by no meanes be appeased, nor by the wailefull out-cries ofall sorts of people (as of men, women, and children) be moved to any pittty, they prostrating themselves to the common slaughter, crying for mercy, and humbly submitting themselves at his feet, until such time as in triumphant manner passing thorow their Citie, he perceived three French Gentlemen, who alone, with an incredible and undaunted boldnesse gainstood the
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enraged violence, and made head against the furie of his victorious armie.  The consideration and respect of so notable a vertue, did first abate the dint of his wrath, and from those three began to relent, and shew mercy to all the other inhabitants of the said towne.  Scanderbeg, Prince of Epirus, following one of his souldiers, with purpose to kill him, who by all means of humilitie, and submisse entreatie, had first offered to pacifie him, in such an unavoidable extremitie, resolved at last, resolutely to encounter him with his sword in his hand.  This resolution did immediately stay his Captains fury, who seeing him undertake so honourable an attempt, not only forgave, but received him into grace and favour.  This example may haply, of such as have not knowne the prodigious force and matchless valour of the said Prince, admit another interpretation.  The Emperor Conradus, third of that name, having besieged Guelphe, Duke of Bavaria, what vile or base satisfacfaction soever was offered him, would yeeld to no other milder conditions, but only to suffer such Gentlewomen as were with the Duke in the Citie (their honours safe) to issue out of the Towne afoot, with such things as they could carry about them.  They with an unrelenting courage advised and resolved themselves (neglecting all other riches or jewels) to carry their husbands, their children, and the Duke himselfe, on their backs: the Emperour perceiving the quaintnesse of their device, tooke so great pleasure at it, that hee wept for joy, and forthwith converted that former inexorable rage, and mortall hatred he bare the Duke, into so milde a relenting and gentle kindnesse, that thence forward he entreated both him and his with all favour and courtesie.  Either of these wayes might easily perswade mee: for I am much inclined to mercie, and affected to mildnesse.  So it is, that in mine opinion, I should more naturally stoope unto compassion, than bend to estimation.  Yet is pitty held a vicious passion among the Stoicks+.  They would have us aid the afflicted, but not to faint and co-suffer with them.  These examples seeme fittest for mee, forsomuch as these minds are

seene to be assaulted and environed by these two meanes, in undauntedly suffering the one, and stooping under the other.  It may peradventure be said, that to yeeld ones heart unto commiseration, is an effect of facility, tendernesse, and meeknesse: whence it proceedetrh, that the weakest natures, as of women, children, and the vulgar sort are more subject unto it.  But (having contemned teares and wailings) to yeeld unto the onely reverence of the sacred Image of vertue, is the effect of a couagious and imployable mind, holding a masculine and contant vigour, in honour and affection. Notwithstanding, amazement and admiration may in lesse generous minds worke the like effect.  Witnesse the Thebanes, who having accused and indited their Captaines, as of a capitall crime, forsomuch as they had continued their charge beyond the time prescribed them, absolved and quit Pelopidas of all punishment, because he submissively yeelded under the burden of such objections, and to save himselfe, imployed no other meanes, but suing-requests, and demisse entreaties; where on the contrary, Epaminondas boldly relating the exploits atchieved by him, and with a fierce and arrogant manner upbraiding the people with them, had not the heart so much as to take their lots into his hands, but went his way, and was freely absolved; the assembly much commending the stoutnesse of his courage.  Dionysius the elder, after extreme difficulties, having taken the Citie of Reggio, and in it the Captaine Phyton (a worthy honest man), who had so obstinately defended the same, would needs shew a tragicall example of revenge.  First, he told him, how the day before, he had caused his sonne and all his kinsfolkes to be drowned. To whom Phyton, stoutly out-staring him, answered nothing, but that they were more happy than himselfe by the space of one day.  Afterward he caused him to he stripped, and by his executioners to be taken and dragged thorow the Citie most ignominiously, whipping him, charging him besides with contumelious speeches.  All which not-

withstanding, as one no whit dismayed, he ever shawed a constant and resolute heart; and with a cheerefull and bold countenance went on still, loudly recounting the honourable and glorious cause of his death, which was, that he would never consent to yeeld his Country into the hands of a cruell tyrant, menacing him with an imminent punishment of the Gods. Dionysius plainly reading in his Souldiers lookes, that in lieu of animating them with braving his conquered enemie, they in contempt of him, and scorn of his triumph, seemed by the astonishment of so rare a vertue, to be moved with compassion, and inclined to mutinie, yea, and to free Phyton from out the hands of his Sergeants, or Guard, caused his torture to cease, and secretly sent him to be drowned in the sea.  Surely, man is a wonderful, vaine, divers, and wavering subject: it is very hard to ground any directly-constant and uniforme judgement upon him.  Behold Pompey, who freely pardoned all the Citie of the Mamertines (against which he was grievously enraged) for the love of the magnanimitie, and consideration of the exceeding vertue of Zeno, one of their fellow-citizens, who tooke the publike fault wholly upon himselfe, and desired no other favour, but alone to beare the punishment thereof; whereas Syllaes host having used the like vertue in the Citie of Perugia, obtained nothing, neither for himself, nor for others.  And directly against my first example, the hardiest amongst men, and so gracious to the vanquished, Alexander the great, after many strange difficulties, forcing the Citie of Gaza, encountred by chance with Betis, that commanded therein, of whose valour (during the siege) he had felt wonderfull and strange exploits, being then alone, forsaken of all his followers, his armes all-broken, all-besmeared with bloud and wounds, fighting amongst a number of Macedonians, who pell-mell laid still upon him; provoked by so deare a victorie (for among other mishaps he had newly received two hurts in his body) said this unto him; 'Betis, thou shalt not die as thou wouldest: for make account thou must indure all the torments

may possibly bee devised or inflicted upon a caitife wretch, as thou art.' But he, for all his enemies threats, without speaking one word, returned only an assured, sterne, and disdainefull countenance upon him; which silent obstinacie Alexander noting, said thus unto himselfe:  What? would hee not bend his knee? could he not utter one suppliant voyce?  I will assuredly vanquish his shence, and if I cannot wrest a word from him, I will at least make him to sob or groane.' And converting his anger into rage, commanded his heeles to bee through-pierced, and so all alive with a cord through them, to be torne, mangled, and dismembered at a carts-taile.  May it be, the force of his courage, was so naturall and peculiar unto him, that because he would no-whit admire him, he respected him the lesse? or deemed he it so proper unto himselfe, that in his height, he could not without the spigot of envious passion, endure to see it in an other? or was the naturall violence of his rage incapable of any opposition? surely, had it received any restraint, it may be supposed, that in the ransacking and desolation of the Citie of Thebes, it should have felt the same; in seeing so many Worthies lost, and valiant men put to the sword, as having no meanes of publike defence; for above six thousand were slaine and massacred, of which not one was seene, either to run away, or beg for grace.  But on the contrary, some here and there seeking to affront, and endeavouring to check their victorious enemies, urging and provoking them to force them die an honourable death. Not one was seene to yeeld, and that to his last gaspe did not attempt to revenge himselfe, and with all weapons of dispaire, with the death of some enemie, comfort and sweeten his owne miserie.  Yet could not the affliction of their vertue find any ruth or pitie, nor might one day suffice to glut or asswage his revengefull wrath.  This butcherous slaughter continued unto the last drop of any remaining bloud; where none were spared but the unarmed and naked, the aged and unpotent, the women and children; that so from amongst them, they might get thirtie thousand slaves.

No man is more free from this passion than I, for I neither love nor regard it: albeit the world hath undertaken, as it were upon covenant, to grace it with a particular favour.  Therewith they adorne age, vertue, and conscience.  Oh foolish and base ornament!  The Italians have more properly with it's name entitled malignitie: for, it is a qualitie ever hurtfull, ever sottish; and as ever base and coward, the Stoikes inhibit their Elders and Sages to be therewith tainted, or have any feeling of it.  But the Storie saith; that Psamneticus king of AEgypt, having been defeated and taken by Cambises king of Persia, seeing his owne daughter passe before him in base and vile aray, being sent to draw water from a well, his friends weeping and wailing about him (he with his eves fixed on the ground, could not be moved to utter one word), and shortly after beholding his sonne led to execution, held still the same undaunted countenance: but perceiving a familiar friend of his haled amongst the captives, he began to beat his head, and burst forth into extreame sorrow.  This might well be compared to that which one of our Princes was lately seene to doe, who being at Trent, and receiving newes of his elder brothers death; but such a brother as on him lay all the burthen and honour of his house; and shortly after tidings of his younger brothers decease, who was his second hope; and having with an unmatched countenance and exemplar constancie endureth these two affronts; it fortuned not long after, that one of his servants dying, he by this
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latter accident suffered himselfe to be so far transported, that quitting and forgetting his former resolution, he so abandoned himselfe to all manner of sorrow and griefe, that some argued, only this last mischance had toucht him to the quicke: but verily the reason was that being otherwise full, and over-plunged in sorrow, the least surcharge brake the bounds and barres of patience.  The light might (I say) be, judged of our storie, were it not it followeth, that Cambises enquirmg of Psamneticus, why he was nothing distempered at the misfortune of his sonne and daughter, he did so impatiently beare the disaster of his friend: 'It is,' answered he, 'because this last displeasure may be manifested by weeping whereas the two former exceed by much, all meanes and compass to bee expressed by teares.' The invention of that ancient Painter might happily fit this purpose, who in the sacrifice of Iphigenia, being to represent the griefe of the by- standers, according to the qualitie and interest each one bare for the death of so faire, so young and innocent a Lady, having ransacked the utmost skill and effects of his art, when he came to the Virgins father, as if no countenance were able to represent that degree of sorrow, he drew him with a vaile over his face.  And that is the reason why our Poets faine miserable Niobe, who first having lost seven sonnes and immediately as many daughters, as one over-burthened with their losses, to have been transformed into a stone;

Diriguisse malis:/1

And grew as hard as stone,
But miserie and moane.

our selves surprised, benummed, and as it were deprived of all motion, so that the soule bursting afterward forth into teares and complaints, seemeth at more ease and libertie to loose, to cleare and dilate it selfe.

Et via vix tandem voci laxata dolore est:/1

And scarce at last for speech
By griefe was made a breach.

Chi puo dir com' egli arde, e in picciol fuoco:/2

He that can say how he doth frie, ln pettie-gentle flames doth lie,

             misere quod omne
Eripit sensus mihi; Nam simul t
Lesbia aspexi, nihil est super mi
Quod loquar amen
Lingua torpet, tenuis sub artu
Flamma dimanant, sonitu suopt
Tinniunt aures, gemina teguntur
Lumina nocte./3

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1 VIRG.  Aen. 1. xi. 151. 2 PET. p. 1.  Son. 140.3 CATUL.  Epig. xlviii. 5.

                      miserably from me
This bereaves all sense: for I can no soone
Eie thee my sweet heart, but I wot not one word to speak amazed
Tongue-tide as in a trance, while a sprightly thin flam
       Flowes in all my joynts with a selfe-resounding
Both my ears tingle, with a night redoubled
Both mine eies are veild.

Curae leves loquuntur, ingentes stapent./1

Light cares can freely speake
Great cares heart rather breake.

Vt me conspexit venientem, et Troja circu
Arma amins vidit, maqnis exterrita monstris
Diriguit visu in medi, calor ossa reliquit
Labitur, et longo vix tandem tempore fatur./2

When she beheld me come, and round abou
Senselesse saw Trojan armes, she stood afrai
Stone-still at so strange sights: life heat flew out
She faints: at last, with long pause thus she said.

into an ague whereof he shortly died.  And for a more authenticall testimonie of humane imbecilitie, it is noted by our Ancients that Diodorus the Logician, being surprised with an extreme passion or apprehension of shame, fell down starke dead, because neither in his Schoole, nor in publique, he had beene able to resolve an argument prepounded unto him.  I am little subject to these violent passions.  I have naturally a hard apprehension, which by discourse I daily harden more and more.

THOSE which still accuse men for ever gaping after future things, and go about to teach us, to take hold of present fortunes+, and settle our selves upon them, 0as having no hold of that which is to come; yea much lesse than we have of that which is already past, touch and are ever harping upon the commonest humane error, if they dare call that an error, to which Nature her selfe, for the service of the continuation of her worke, doth address us, imprinting (as it doth many others) this false imagination in us, as more jealous of our actions, than of our knowledge.  We are never in our selves, but beyond.  Feare, desire, and hope, draw us ever towards that which is to come, and remove our sense and consideration from that which is, to amuse us on that which shall be, yea when we shall be no more. Calamitosus est animus futuri anxius./1 'A minde in suspense what is to come, is in a pittifull case.' This noble precept is often alleaghed in Plato, 'Follow thy businesse and know thy selfe;' Each of these two members, doth generally imply all our duty; and likewise enfolds his companion. He that should doe his businesse might perceive that his first lesson is, to know what he is, and what is convenient for him.  And he that knoweth himselfe, takes no more anothers matters for his owne, but above all other things, loveth and correcteth himselfe, rejecteth superfluous occupations, idle imaginations, and unprofitable propositions.
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SEN.  Epis. 98
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As if you grant follie what it desireth, it will no-whit be satisfied; so is wisdome content with that which is present, and never displeased with it selfe.  Epicurus doth dispense with his age touching the foresight and care of what shall insue.  Amongst the lawes that regard the deceased, that which ties the actions of Princes to be examined when they are dead, seemes to me verie solid.  They are companions, if not masters of the lawes: That which justice could not worke on their heads, it is reason it effect upon their reputation+, and goods of their successors: things wee many times preferre before our lives.  It is a custome brings many singular commodities unto nations that observe it, and to be desired of all good Princes: who have cause to complaine that the memorie of the wicked is used as theirs. Wee owe a like obedience and subjection to all Kings; for it respects their office: but estimation and affection, we owe it only to their vertue.  If they be unworthy, wee are to endure them patiently, to conceale their vices, and to aid their indifferent actions with our commendations, as long as their authoritie hath need of our assistance,{Kent+} and that ought to be ascribed unto politike order.  But our commerce with them being ended, there is no reason we should refuse the unfolding of our felt wrongs unto justice and our libertie.  And specially to refuse good subjects, the glory to have reverently and faithfully served a master, {Kent+} whose imperfections were so well knowne unto them: exempting posteritie from so profitable an example.  And such as for the respect of some private benefit or interest, doe wickedly embrace the memorie of an unworthy Prince, doe particular justice at the cbarge of publike justice.  Titus Livius speaketh truly, where he saith, that the speech of men brought up under a royaltie is ever full of vaine ostentations, and false witness; everyman indiferently extolling the King, to the furthest straine of valour and soveraigne greatnesse. The magnanimitie of those two Souldiers may be reproved, one of which being demanded of Nero, why he hated him, answered him to his teeth; I loved

thee whilest thou wast worthy of love, but Since thou becamest a parricide, a fire-brand, a Juglar, a Player, and a Coach-man, I hate thee, as thou deservest. {Kent+} The other being asked, wherefore he sought to kill him, answered, Because I finde no other course to hinder thy uncessant outrages and impious deeds.  But can any man, that hath his senses about him, justly prove the publike and generall testimonies that since his death have beene given, and so shall be for ever, both against him and all such like reprobates, of his tyrannicall and wicked demeanours?  I am sorrie that in so sacred a policie as the Lacedemonian was, so fained and fond a ceremonie at the death of their Kings was ever devised and brought in use.  All their confederates and neighbours, all the slave-Helotes, men and women pell- mell, for a testimonie of their grief and sorrow, did mangle and gash their foreheads, and in their out-cries and lamentations exclaimed, that their deceased King, howsoever he had lived, was and had beene the best Prince that ever they had, ascribing in order the commendations due unto desert, and to the last and latter ranke, what belongs unto the first merit.  Aristotle that hath an oare in every water, and medleth with all things, makes a question about Solons speech, who saith, that no man can truly be counted happy before his death, Whether he that lived and died according to his wish, may be named happy, whether his renowne be good or ill, and whether his posteritie be miserable or no.  Whilest wee stirre and remove, wee transport our selves by preoccupation wheresoever we list: but no sooner are wee out of being, but wee have no conununication at all with that which is. And it were better to tell Solon, that never man is happy then, since he never is so, but when he is no more.

         -----  Quisqua
Vix radicitus e vita se tollit, et ejicit
Se facit esse qui quiddam super inscius ipse
Nee removet satis a projecto corpora sese, et
Vindicat./1

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1 LUCRET.  Rer. nat. 1. iii. 912.

Scarce any rids himselfe of life so cleer
But leaves unwitting some part of him heere
Nor frees or quits himselfe sufficientl
From that his body which forlorne doth lie.
     Bertrand of Glesquin died at the siege of the castle of Rancon, neere unto Puy in Avergne: the besieged yeelding afterwards, were forced to carry the keies of the Castle, upon the deceased of the Captaine.  Bartholomew of Alviano, Generall of the Venetian forces dying in their service and wars about Brescia, and his bodie being to be transported to Venice, through the territorie of Verona, which was then enemie unto them, the greatest part of the army thought it expedient to demand a safe conduct for their passage of those of Verona, to which Theodore Trivulcio stoutly opposed himselfe, and chose rather to pass it by main force and to hazard the day, saying it was not convenient that he who in his life time had never apprehended feare of his enemies should now being dead, seeme to feare them.  Verily in like matters by the lawes of Greece, hee that required a dead body of his enemies, with intent to bury the same, renounced the victory, and might no more erect any trophy of it: and he who was so required, purchased the title of honour and gaine.  So did Nicias lose the advantage hee had clearely gained of the Corinthians; and contrariwise, Ageshaus assured that, hee doubtfully had gotten of the Boeotians.  These actions might bee deemed strange, if in all ages it were not a common-received opinion, not only to extend the care of our selves, beyond this life, but also to beleeve, that heavenly favours doe often accompany us unto our grave, and continue in our posterity.  Whereof there are so many examples (leaving our moderne a part that I need not wade farre into it.
     Edward the first King of England, in the long wars he had with Robert King of Scotland, having by triall found how greatly his presence advantaged the successe of his affaires, and how he was ever victorious in any enterprise he undertooke in his owne person; when hee

died, bound his sonne by solemne oath, that being dead he should cause his body to be boyled, untill the flesh fell from the bones, which he should cause to be interred, and carefully keeping the bones, ever carry them about him, whenever hee should happen to have wars with the Scots:  As if destiny had fatally annexed the victory unto his limmes.  John Zisca, who for the defence of Wickliff's opinions so much troubled the state of Bohemia, commanded that after his death his body should be flead, and a drum made of his skin, to be carried and sounded in all the wars against his enemies: deeming the sound of it would be a meanes to continue the advantages, which in his former warres hee had obtained of them.  Certaine Indians did likewise carry the bones of one of their Captaines in the skirmishes they had with the Spaniards, in regard of the good successe hee had, whilest hee lived, against them:  And other nations of that new-found world, doe likewise carry the bodies of such worthy aud fortunate men with them, as have died in their battels, to serve them in stead of good fortune and encouragement. The first examples reserve nothing else in their tombes, but the reputation acquired by their former atchievements: but these will also adjoyne unto it the power of working.  The act of Captaine Bayard is of better composition, who perceiving himslef deadly wounded by a shot received in his body, being by his men perswaded to come off and retire himselfe from out the throng, answered, he would not now so neere his end begin to turne his face from his enemie: and having stoutly foughten so long as he could stand, feeling himselfe to faint and stagger from his horse, commanded his steward to lay him against a tree, but in such sort, that he might die with his face toward the enemie; as indeed hee did.  I may not omit this other example, as remarkable for this consideration, as any of the precedent.  The Emperour Maximilian, great grand-father to Philip now King of Spaine, was a Prince highly endowed with many noble qualities, and amongst others with a well-nigh matchless comeliness of body; but

with other customes of his, hee had this one much contrarie to other Princes, who to dispatch their weightiest affaires make often their close- stoole their regall Throne or Council-Chamber, which was, that hee would not permit any groome of his chamber (were hee never so neere about him) to see him in his inner chamber, who if he had occasion but to make water, would as nicely and as religiously with-draw himselfe as any maiden, and never suffer so much as a Pbysitian, much lesse any other whatsoever, to see those privie parts that all in modestie seeke to keepe secret and unseene. My selfe, that am so broad-mouthed and lavish in speeches, am notwithstanding naturally touched with that bashfulnesse.  And unlesse it bee by the motion of necessity or of voluptuousnesse, I never willingly imparted those actions and parts (which custome willeth to bee concealed) to the view of any creature. I endure more compulsion, then I deeme befitting a man, especially of my profession.  But hee grew to such superstition, that by expresse words in his last will and Testament, hee commanded, that being dead, hee should have linnen-flops put about them.  Hee should by codiche have annexeed unto it, that hee who should put them on, might have his eies hood-winckt.  The instruction which Cyrus giveth his children, that neither they nor any other should either see or touch his body, after the breath were once out of it; I ascribe it unto some motive of devotion in him.  For both his historian and himselfe, amongst many other notable qualities they are endued with, have throughout all the course of their life seemed to have a singular respect and awfull reverence unto religion.  That story displeased me very much, which a nobleman told me of a kinsman of mine (a man very famous and well known both in peace and warre), which is, that dying very aged in his court, being much tormented with extreme pangs of the stone, hee with an earnest and unwearied care, employed all his last houres, to dispose the honour and ceremony of his funerals, and summoned all the nobilitie that came to visit him, to

give him assured premise to be as assistants, and to convey him to his last resting place.  To the very same Prince, who was with him at his last gasp, he made very earnest suit, he would command all his household to wait upon him at his interment, inforcing many reasons, and alleaging divers examples to prove that it was a thing very convenient, and fitting a man of his qualitie: which assured promise when he had obtained, and had at his pleasure marshalled the order how they should march, he seemed quietly and contentedly to yeeld up the ghost.  I have seldome seen a vanitie continue for so long.  This other curiositie meere opposite unto it (which to prove I need not labour for homeexamples) seemeth in my opinion cosen-german to this, that is, when one is ever ready to breathe his last, carefully and passionately to endevour how to reduce the convoy of his obsequies unto some particular and unwonted parcimonie, to one servant and to one lanterne.  I heare the humour and appointment of Marcus AEmilius Lepidus commended, who expressly forbade his heires to use those ceremonies about his interment, which in such cases were formerly accustomed.  Is it temperance and frugalitie, to avoid charge and voluptuousnesse, the use and knowledge of which is imperceptable unto us?  Loe here an easie reformation, and of small cost.  Were it requisite to appoint any, I would be of opinion, that as well in that, as in all other actions of man's life, every man should referre the rule of it to the qualitie of his fortune.  And the Philosopher Lycon did wisely appoint his friends to place his body where they should thinke it fittest and for the best: and for his obsequies, they should neither be superfluous, and over-costly, nor base and sparing.  For my part, I would wholly relie on custome, which should dispose this ceremonie, and would yeeld my selfe to the discretion of the first or next into whose hands I might chance to fall.  Totus hic locus est contemnendus in nobis, non negligendus in nostris:/1 'All this matter should be despised of us,
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CICERO, Tusc.  Quaest. i. 45.

but not neglected of ours.' And religiously said a holy man; Curatio funeris, conditio sepulturae, pompa exequiarum, magis sunt tivorum solatia, quam subsidia mortuorum:/1 'In the procuration of funerals, the maner of buriall, the pomp of obsequies, are rather comforts to the living, than helps to the dead.' Therefore Socrates answered Criton, who at the houre of his death asked him how he would be buried:  Even as you please, said he.  Were I to meddle further with this subject, I would deeme it more gallant to imitate those who yet living and breathing, undertake to enjoy the order and honour of their sepulchres, and that please themselves to behold their dead countenance in marble.  Happy they that can rejoyce and gratifle their sense with insensibilitie, and live by their death!  A little thing would make me conceive an inexpiable hatred against all popular domination; although it seeme most naturall and just unto me; when I call to minde that inhumane injustice of the Athenians, who without further triall or remission, yea without suffering them so much as to reply or answer for themselves, condemned those noble and worthy Captaines, that returned victoriously from the sea-battell, which they (neere the Iles Arginusae) had gained of the Macedenonians; the most contested, bloodie and greatest fight the Grecians ever obtained by sea with their owne forces: forsomuch as after the victory, they had rather followed those occasions, which the law of warre presented unto them, for their availe, than to their prejudice staid to gather and bury their dead men.  And the successe of Diomedon makes their ruthlesse execution more hatefull, who being a man of notable and exemplar vertue, both military and politike, and of them so cruelly condemned; after he had heard the bloody sentence, advancing himselfe forward to speake, having fit opportunitie and plausible audience; he, I say, in stead of excusing himselfe, or endevouring to justifie his cause, or to exasperate the evident iniquity of so cruell a doome, expressed but a care of the Judges preservation,
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1 AUG.  Civ.  Dei, l. i. c. 12, verb. apost. scr. 32.

earnestly beseeching the Gods to turne that judgement to their good, praying that for want of not satisfying the vowes which hee and his companions had vowed in acknowledgement and thanksgiving for so famous a victory, and honourable fortune, they might not draw the wrath and revenge of the Gods upon them, declaring what their vowes were.  And without more words, or any further reasons, couragiously addressed himselfe to his execution. But fortune some yeares after punished him alike, and made him taste of the verie same sauce.  For Chabrias, Captaine Generall of their sea-fleet, having afterward obtained a famous victory of Pollis, Admirall of Sparta, in the Ile of Naxos, lost absolutely the benefit of it, and onely contented with the day (a matter of great consequence for their affaires) fearing to incurre the mischiefe of this example, and to save a few dead carcasses of his friends, that floated up and downe the sea, gave leasure to an infinite number of his living enemies, whom he might easily have surprized to sail away in safety, who afterward made them to purchase their importunate superstition, at a deere-deere rate.

Quaeris, quo jaceas, post obitum, loc
Quo non nata jacent./1

Where shall you lie when you are dead?
Where they lye that were never bred.

Neque sepulchrum, quo recipiat, habeat portum corporis
Vbi remissa humana vita, corpus requiescat a malis?/2

To turne in as a hav'n, have he no grave
Where life left, from all griefe he rest may have.

A GENTLFMAN of ours exceedingly subject to the gout, being instantly solicited by his Physitions, to leave all manner of salt-meats, was wont to answer pleasantly, that when the fits or pangs of the disease tooke him, hee would have some body to quarell with; and that crying and cursing, now against Bolonie-sausage, and sometimes by railing against salt neats- tongues, and gammons of bakon, he found some ease.  But in good earnest even as the arme being lifted up to strike, if the stroke hit not, but fall void, wee feele some paine in it, and many times strike it out of joynt; and that to yeeld our sight pleasant, it must not be lost and dispiersed in the vast ayre, but ought rather to have a limited bound to sustaine it by a reasonable distance.

Ventus ut amittit vires, nisi robore densae
Occurrant silvae, spatio diffasus inani./1

As windes in emptie ayre diffus'd, strength lose
Unlesse thick-old-growne woods their strength oppose.

the soule in her passions doth rather deceive itselfe, by framing a false and fantasticall subject unto itselfe, yea against her owne conceit, than not to worke upon something.  So doth their owne rage transport beasts to set upon the stone or weapon that hath hurt them; yea and sometimes with irefull teeth to revenge themselves against themselves, for the hurt or smart they feele.

Pannonis haud aliter post utum saevior urs
Cui jaculum parva Lybis amentavit habena
Se rotat in vulnus, telumque irata receptu
Impetit, et secum fugientem circuit hastam./1

Even so the wound-enraged Austrian beare
On whom a Moore hath thir'ld his slinged speare
Wheeles on her wound, and raging bites the dart
Circling that flies with her, and cannot part.

for the pleasure his mother had received in the same.  When I was young, my countrimen were wont to say, That one of our neigbbour-Kings, having received a blow at Gods hand, sware to be revenged on him, and ordained, that for ten yeares space no man should pray unto him, nor speak of him, nor (so long as he were in authority), beleeve in him.  By which report, they doe not so much publish the sottishnesse, as the ambitious glorie, peculiar unto that nation of whom it was spoken.  They are vices that ever goe together:  But in truth such actions enclime rather unto selfe-conceit, than to fondnes.  Augustus Caesar having beene beaten by a tempest on the sea, defied the God Neptune, and in the celebration of the Circensian games, that so he might be avenged on him, he caused his image to be removed from out the place, where it stood amongst the other Gods; wherein he is also less excusable, than the former, and lesse than hee was afterward, when having lost a battel, under Quintilius Varus in Germanie, all in a rage and desperate, he went up and downe beating his bead against the walls, mainly crying out: 'Oh!  Varus, restore me my Souldiers againe:' For, those exceed, all follie (forsomuch as impietie is joyned unto it that will wreake themselves against God, or fortune, as if she had eares subject to our batterie:  In imitation of the Thracians, who when it lightens or thunders, begin with a Titanian revenge to shoot against heaven, thinking by shooting of arrowes to draw God to some reason.  Now, as saith that ancient Poet in Plutarch,

Point ne se faut corroucer aux affaires
Il ne leur chaut de toutes noz coleres./1

We ought not angry be at what God dooth
For he cares not who beares an angry tooth.

LVCIUS MARCIUS Legate of the Romans, in the warre against Perseus King of Macedon, desirous to get so much time, as he wanted to prepare his army, gave out some motives of accord, wherewith the king inveagled, yeelded unto a truce for certaine daies: by which meanes he furnished his enemie with opportunitie and leasure to arme himselfe: whereof proceeded the Kings last ruine and over-throw.  Yet is it, that the elders of the Senate, mindfull of their fore-fathers customes, condemned this practice as an enemie to their ancient proceedings, which was, said they, to fight with vertue, and not with craft, not by surprises, or stratagems by night, nor by set-flights, and unlookt-for approches, never undertaking a warre, but after it was proclaimed, yea many times after the appointed houre and place of the battell. With this conscience did they send backe to Pirrhus his traitorous Physitian, and to the Phalisci their disloyall schoolemaster.  These were true Romane+ proceedings, and not Grecian policies, nor Punike whes, with whom to vanquish by force is lesse glorious than to conquer by treacherie.  To deceive may serve for the instant but hee only is judged to be overcome, that knowes he was not vanquished by craft or deceit, nor by fortune or chance, but by meere valour, betweene troupe and troupe, in an overt and just warre. {rules of war+} It appeareth manifestly by the speech of these good men, they had not yet received this sentence.
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Dolus, an virtus, quis in hoste requirat?/1

Deceit, or vertue, either, in foes, it skills not whether.

Vos ne velit, an me regnare hera, quid-ve ferat fors
Virtute experiamur./2

If fortune will have you to raigne, or me
And what chance brings, let vertue's triall be.

that of parlies, and treaties of accord:  And therefore is it a common rule in the mouth of all our modern men of warre, that the Governour or Commaunder of a besieged place, ought never to sallie forth himselfe to parlie.  In the time of our forefathers, the same was cast in the teeth (as a reproach) unto the Lord of Montmord and Assigni, who defended Mouson, against the Earle of Nanseaw.  Yet in this case it were excusable in him, that should so sallie out, that the assurance and advantage, might still be on his side.  As did the Earle Guido Rangoni in the Citie of Reggio (if credit may be given to Bellay: for Guicciardin affirmeth, that it was himselfe) when as the Lord of Escute, comming to parlie made his approaches unto it; for he did so little forsake his fort, that whilest they were in parlie, a commotion being raised, the Lord of Escute and the troupes which came with him, in that tumult found himselfe to be the weakest, so that Alexander Trivultio was there slaine, and hee deeming it the safest way, was forced to follow the Earle, and on his word to yield himselfe to the mercie and shelter of blowes, into the Citie.  Eumenes in the Citie of Nera, being urged by Antigenus, that besieged him, to sallie forth to parlie, alleaging that there was reason he should come to him, sith he was the better man, and the stronger: after he had made, this noble answer, 'I will never thinke any man better than myselfe, so long as I can hold or rule my sword;' nor did he ever yeeld untill Antigonus had delivered him Ptolomey, his owne nephew for a pledge, whom he required.  Yet shall we see some to have prospered well in sallying foorth of their holdes to parlie, upon the word and honor of the assailant; witnes Henrie of Vaulx, a knight of Champaigns, who being beleagred by the English-men in the Castle of Commercie, and Bartholmew of Bones, who at that siege commaunded as Chiefe having caused the greatest part of the Castle to be undermined, so that there wanted nothing but the giving of fire, utterly to subvert the same, under the ruines of it, summoned the said Henrie to issue

out, and for his owne good to parlie with him, which he did, accompanied but with three more, who manifestly seeing the evident ruine, wherein he was undoubtedly like to fall, acknowledged himselfe infinitely beholding to his enemies unto whose discretion, after he had yeelded together with his troup, and that fire the Castle was given to the Mine, the maine props of the Castle failing, it was utterly overthrowne and carried away.  I am easily perswaded to yeeld to other mens words and faith, but hardly would I doe it, when I should give other men cause to imagine, that I had rather done it through despare and want of courage, than of a free and voluntary choise, and confidence in his honestie and well-meaning.

NOTWITHSTANDING I saw lately, that those of Musidan, a place not farre from mee, who with others of their partie were by our forces compelled to dislodge thence, exclaimed, they were betraid, because during the speech of accord, and the treatie yet continuing, they had beene surprized and defeated; which thing might haply other ages have had some apparence of truth; but, I say, our manner of proceeding in such cases, is altogether differing from these rules, and no man ought to expect performance of promise from an enemie, except the last seale of bond be fully annexed thereunto, wherein notwithstanding is then much care and vigilancie required, and much adoe shall be found.  And it was ever a dangerous counsell to trust the performance of word or oath given unto a Citie, that yeelds unto gentle and favourable composition, and in that furie to give the needie, bloudthirstie, and prey-greed Souldier free entrance into it, unto the free choise and licence of a victorious armie.  Lucius Emilius Regulus a Romane Proctor, having lost his time in attempting by force to take the Citie of the Phocens by reason of the singular prowesse, which the inhabitants shewed, in stoutly defending themselves, covenanted to receive them as friends unto the people of Rome, and to enter their Citie as a place confederate, removing all feare of hostile-action from them.  But to the end hee might apeare more glorious and dreadfull, having caused his armie to enter with him, doe what he might, be could not bridle the rage of his Souldiers; and with his owne
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eies saw most part of the Citie ransacked and spoiled: the rights of covetousnesse and revenge supplanting those of his authoritie and militarie discipline.  Cleomenes was wont to say, that 'What hurt soever a man might doe his enemies in time of warre, was beyond justice, and not subject unto it, as well towards the Gods as towards men:' who for seven dayes having made truce with those of Argos, the third night, whilest they were all asleepe mistrusting no harme, hee charged and overthrew them, aleaging for his excuse, that in the truce no mention had beene made of nights. But the Gods left not his perfidious policie unrevenged:  For during their enter- parlie and businesse about taking hostages, the Citie of Casilinum was by surprise taken from him: which happened in the times of the justest Captaines, and of the most perfect Romane discipline:  For it is not said, that time and place serving, wee must not make use and take advantage of our enemies foolish oversight, as we doe of their cowardise.  And verily warre hath naturally many reasonable privileges to the prejudice of reason. And here failes the rule; Neminem id agere, ut ex alterius praedetur inscitia:/1 'That no man should endeavour to prey upon another mans ignorance.' But I wonder of the scope that Xenophon allowes them, both by his discourse, and by divers exploits of his perfect Emperour: an Author of wonderfull consequence in such things, as a great Captaine and a Philosopher, and one of Socrates chiefest Disciples, nor doe I altogether yeeld unto the measure of his dispensation.  The Lord of Aubigny besieging Capua, after he had given it a furious batterie, the Lord Fabritius Colonna, Captaine of the towne, having from under a bastion or skonce begunne to parlie, and his men growing negligent and carelesse in their offices and guard, our men did suddenly take the advantage offered them, entered the towne, over-ranne it, and put all to the sword.  But to come to later examples, yea in our memorie, the Lord Iulio Romero at Yvoy, having committed this
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1 Cic.  Offic. 1. iii.

oversight to issue out of his holde, to parlie with the Constable of France, at his returne found the Towne taken, and himselfe jack-out-of- doores.  But that wee may not pass out unrevenged, the Marques of Pescara beleagering Genova, where the Duke Octavian Fregoso commanded under our protection, and an accord between them having so long been treated, and earnestly solicited, that it was held as ratified, and upon the point of conclusion, the Spaniards being entred the Towne, and seeing themselves the stronger, tooke their opportunitie and used it as a full and compleate victorie: and since at Lygny in Baroe, where the Earle of Brienne commanded, the Emperour having besieged him in person, and Bartholemy Lieutenant to the saide Earle, being come foorth of his hold to parlie, was no sooner out, whilest they were disputing, but the Towne was surprised, and he excluded, They say,

Fu il vincer sempre mai laudabil cosa
Vincasi o per fortuna o per ingegno./1

To be victorious, evermore was glorious,
Be we by fortune or by wit victorious.

Atque idem fugientem haud est dignatus Orode
Sternere, nec jacta caecum dare cuspide vulnus:

Obvius adversoque occurrit, seque viro vi
Contulit, haud furto melior, sed fortibus armis./1

He deign'd not to strike downe Orodes flying
Or with his throwne-launce blindely-wound him running
But man to man afront himselfe applying
Met him, as more esteem'd for strength than cunning.

The common saying is, that "Death acquits us of all our bonds.' I know some that have taken it in another sence.  Henry the seventh, King of England, made a composition with Philip, son to Maximilian the Emperour or (to give him a more honorable title) father to the Emperour Charles the fifth, that the said Philip should (deliver into his hands the Duke of Suffolke, his mortall enemie, who was fled out of England, and saved himself in the Low countries, always provided the king should attempt nothing against the Dukes life; which promise notwithstanding, being neere his end, he expresly by will and testament commanded his succeeding-sonne, that immediately after his decease, he should cause him to be put to death.  In the late tragedie, which the Duke of Alva presented us withall at Brussels, on the Earles of Horne and Egmond were many remarkable things and worthy to be noted: and amongst others, that the said Count Egmond upon whose faithfull word and assurance, the Earle of Horne was come in and yeelded himselfe to the Duke of Alva, required very instantly to be first put to death, to the end his death might acquit and free him of the word_and_bond+, which he ought and was engaged for, to the said Earle of Horne.  It seemeth that death hath no whit discharged the former of his word given, and that the second, without dying was quit of it.  We cannot be tied beyond our strength and meanes.  The reason is, because the effects and executions are not any way in our power,
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and except our will, nothing is truly in our power {Epictetus+}: on it onely are all the rules of man's dutie grounded and established by necessitie. And therefore Count Egmond, deeming his minde and will indebted to his promise, how beit the power to effect it, lay not in his hands; was no doubt cleerely absolved of his debt and dutie, although be had survived the Count Horne.  But the King of England failing of his word by his intention, cannot be excused, though hee delaide the execution of his disloyaltie untill after his death.  No more than Herodotus his Mason who during his natural life, having faithfully kept the secret of his Master the King of AEgypts treasure, when he died discovered the same unto his children. I have in my dayes seene many convicted by their owne conscience, for detaining other men's goods, yet by their last will and testament to dispose themselves, after their decease to make satisfaction.  This is nothing to the purpose. Neither to take time for a matter so urgent, nor with so small interest or shew of feeling, to goe about to establish an injurie.  They are indebted somewhat more.  And by how much more they pay incommodiously and chargably, so much the more just and meritorious is their satisfaction.  Penitence ought to charge, yet doe they worse, who reserve the revealing of some heinous conceit or affection towards their neighbour, to their last will and affection, having whilest they lived ever kept it secret.  And seeme to have little regard of their owne honour, by provoking the partie offended against their owne memory, and lesse of their conscience, since they could never for the respect of death cancell their ill-grudging affection, and in extending life beyond theirs.  Oh wicked and ungodly judges, which referre the judgement of a cause to such time as they have no more knowledge of causes!  I will as neere as I can prevent, that my death reveale or utter any thing, my life hath not first publikely spoken.

As we see some idle-fallow grounds, if they be fat and fertile, to bring foorth store and sundry roots of wilde and unprofitable weeds, and that to keep them in use we must subject and imploy them with certain seeds for our use and service; and as wee see some women, though single and alone, often to bring foorth lumps of shapelesse flesh, whereas to produce a perfect and naturall generation, they must be manured with another kinde of seed; so is it of mindes, which except they be busied about some subject, that may bridle and keepe them under, they will here and there wildely scatter themselves through the vast field of imaginations.

Sicut aquae tremulum labris ubi lumnen aheni
Sole repercwsum, aut radiantis imagine Lunae
Omnia pervolitat late loca jamque sub aura
Erigitur, summique ferit laquearia tecti.

As trembling light reflected from the Sunne
Or radiant Moone on water-fild brasse lavers
Flies over all, in aire unpraised soone
Strikes house-top beames, betwixt both strangely wavers.

   -----  velut aegri somnia, vana
Finguntur species./2

Like sicke mens dreames, that feigne
Inaginations vaine.

itselfe:  For, as we say, 'To be everiewhere, is to be nowhere.'

Quisquis ubigue habitat, Maxime, nusquam habitat./1

Good sir, he that dwels everywhere
No where can say, that he dwels there.

Variam semper dant otia mentem./2

Evermore idlenesse
Doth wavering mindes addresse.

THERE is no man living, whom it may lesse beseeme to speake of memorie+, than myselfe, for to say truth, I have none at all: and am fully perswaded that no mans can be so weake and forgetfull as mine.  All other parts are in me common and vile, but touching memorie, I thinke to carrie the prise from all other, that have it weakest, nay and to gaine the reputation of it, besides the naturall want I endure (for truely considering the necessitie of it, Plato hath reason to name it a great and mighty goddesse).  In my countrie, if a man will imply that one hath no sense, he will say, such a one hath no memorie: and when I complaine of mine, they reprove me, and will not beleeve me, as if I accused myselfe to be mad and senselesse. They make no diference betweene memorie and wit: which is an empairing of my market:  But they doe me wrong, for contrariwise it is commonly seene by experience, that excellent memories do rather accompany weake judgements. Moreover they wrong me in this (who can do nothing so well as to be a perfect_friend+) that the same words which accuse my infirmitie, represent ingratitude. From my affection they take hold of my memorie, and of a naturall defect, they infer a want of judgement or conscience.  Some will say, he hath forgotten this entreaty or request, or that promise, he is not mindful of his old friends, he never remembered to say, or doe, or conceale this or that, for my sake.  Verily I may easily forget, but to neglect the charge my friend hath committed to my trust, I never do it.  Let them beare
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with my infirmitie, and not conclude it to be a kind of malice; which is so contrarie an enemie to my humor.  Yet am I somewhat comforted.  First, because it is an evil, from which I have chieflie drawne the reason to correct a worse mischiefe, that would easily have growne upon me, that is to say, ambition+; which defect is intolerable in them that meddle with worldly negotiations.  For as divers like examples of natures progresse, say, she hath happily strengthened other faculties in me, according as it hath growne weaker and weaker in me, and I should easily lay downe and wire-draw my minde and judgement, upon other mens traces, without exercising their proper forces, if by the benefit of memorie, forren inventions and strange opinions were present with me.  That my speech is thereby shorter for the Magazin of Memorie is peradventure more stored with matter, than is the store-house of Invention.  Had it held out with me, I had ere this wearied all my friends with pratling: the subjects rouzing the meane facultie I have to manage employ them, strengthening and wresting my discourses. It is pitie; I have assayed by the trial of some of my private friends: according as their memory hath ministered them a whole and perfect matter, who recoile their narration so farre-backe, and stuff it with so many vaine circumstances, that if the story bee gqod, they smoother the goodnesse of it: if bad, you must needs either curse the good fortune of their memorie, or blame the misfortune of their judgement.  And it is no easie matter, being in the midst of the cariere of a discourse, to stop cunningly, to make a sudden period, and to cut it off.  And there is nothing whereby the cleane strength of a horse is more knowne, than to make a readie and cleane stop.  Among the skilfull I see some that strive, but cannot stay their race.  Whilest they labour to finde the point to stop their course, they stagger and falter, as men that faint through weaknesse.  Above all, old men are dangerous, who have onely the memorie of things past left them, and have lost the remembrance of their repetitions.  I have heard some very pleasant

reports become most irkesome and tedious in the mouth of a certaine Lord, forsomuch as all the bye-standers had many times beene cloyed with them.  Secondly (as said an ancient Writers that I doe not so much remember injuries received.  I had need have a prompter as Darius had, who not to forget the wrong he had received of the Athenians, whensoever he sate downe at his table, caused a page to sing unto him, 'Sir, remember the Athenians,' and that the places or bookes which I read over, do ever smile upon me with some new noveltie.  It is not without reason, men say, that be who hath not a good and readie memorie should never meddle with telling of lies, and feare to become a liar.  I am not ignorant how the Grammarians make a difference betweene speaking untrue and lying; and say that to speake untruly is to speake that which is false, but was reputed true; and that the definition of the Latin word, mentiri, whence the French word, mentir, is derived, which in English is to lie, implieth and meaneth to goe against ones conscience: and by consequence it concerneth onely those, who speake contrary to that which they know, of whom I speake.  Now, these, either invent, seale, stampe and all, or else they disguise and change a true ground.  When they disguise or change, if they be often put to the repetition of one thing, it is hard for them to keepe still in one path, and very strange if they lose not themselves: because the thing, as it is, having first taken up her stand in the memory, and there by the way of knowledge and witting, imprinted itselfe, it were hard it should not represent itselfe to the imagination, displacing and supplanting falshood, which therein can have no such footing, or setled fastnesse; and that the circumstances of the first learning, still diving into the minde, should not cause it to disperse the remembrance of all false or bastardizing parts gotten together. Where they altogether invent, forsomuch as there is no certaine impression, to front their falshood, they seeme to have so much the lesser feare to mistake or forget themselves, which also notwithstanding

being an airie bodie, and without hold-fast may easily escape the memorie, except it be well assured, whereof I have often do my no small pleasure) seene the experience, at the cost of those, who professe never to frame their speech, but as, best shall fit the affaires they negotiate, and as best shall please the great men they speak unto.  For the circumstances to which they will subject their credit and conscience, being subject to many changes, their speech must likewise diversifie and change with them, whence it followeth that of one selfsame subject they speak diversly, as now yellow, now gray, to one man thus, and thus to another.  And if peradventure these kind of men hoard-up their so contrarie instructions, what becomes of this goodly art?  Who besides, often most foolishly forget themselves, and run at randon:  For what memorie shall suffice them, to remember so many different formes they have framed to one same subject?  I have in my dayes seene divers that have envied the reputation of this worthy kind of wisedome, who perceive not, that if there be a reputation, there can be no effect.  Verily, lying is an ill and detestable vice.  Nothing makes us men, and no other meanes keeps us bound one to another, but our word+; knew we but the horror and weight of it, we would with fire and sword pursue and hate the same, and more justly than any other crime.  I see all men generally busied (and that verie improperly) to punish certaine innocent errours in children which have neither impression nor consequence, and chastice and vex them for rash and fond actions.  Onely lying and stubbornnesse somewhat more, are the faults whose birth and progresse I would have severely punished and cut off; for they grow and increase with them: and if the tongue have once gotten this ill-habit, good Lord how hard, nay how impossible it is to make her leave it? whereby it ensueth, that we see many very honest men in other matters, to bee subject and enthralled to that fault.  I have a good lad to my tailour, whom I never heard speak a truth, no not when it might stand him instead of profit.  If a lie

had no more faces+ but one, as truth had, we should be in farre better termes than we are:  For whatsoever a lier should say, we would take it in a contrarie sense.  But the opposite of truth has many shapes, and an undefinite field.  The Pythagoreans make good to be certaine and finite and evil to be infinite and uncertain.  A thousand by-wayes misse the marke, one onely hits the same.  Surely I can never assure myselfe to come to a good end, to warrant an extreme evident danger, by a shamelesse and solemne lie.  An ancient father saith, 'We are better in the companie of a known dogge, than in a mans societie, whose speech is unknowne to us.  Vt externus alieno non sit hominis vice: 'A stranger to a stranger is not like a man.' And how much is a false speech lesse sociable than silence?  King Francis the first, vaunted himselfe to have by this meanes brought Francis Taverna, ambassador to Francis Sforza, Duke of Millane, to a non- plus; a man very famous for his rare eloquence, and facilitie in speech, who had beene dispatched to excuse his master, toward his Majestie, of a matter of great importance, which was this.  The King to keepe ever some intelligence in Italy, whence he had lately beene expelled, but especially in the Dukedome of Millane, thought it expedient to entertaine a Gentleman of his about the Duke, in effect as his Ambassador, but in apparence as a private man; who should make shew to reside there about his particular affairess, forsomuch as the Duke, who depended much more of the Emperour (chiefely then that he was treating a marriage with his niece, daughter of the King of Denmarke, who is at this day Dowager of Loraine) could not without great prejudice unto himselfe discover to have any correspondencie and conference with us.  For which commission and purpose a Gentleman of Millane, named Merveille, then serving the King in place of one of the Quiers of his Quierie, was deemed fit.  This man being dispatched with secret letters of credence, and instructions of an Ambassador,
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1 PLIN.  Nat.  Hist. 1. vii. c. 1.

venient forces, as should be required to withstand so mightie, and set upon so puisant a King, and alleaging certaine pertinent reasons:  The Ambassador fondly and unfitly replied, that himselfe had long before maturely considered them and had told the Pope of them.  By which answer so farre from his proposition (which was with all speed, and without more circumstances to undertake and undergoe a dangerous warre) the King of England tooke hold of the first argument which in effect he afterward found true, which was, that the said Ambassador, in his owne particular intent, was more affected to the French side, whereof advertising his master, his goods were all confiscate, himselfe disgraced, and he very hardly escaped with life.

Onc ne furent a tous toutes qraces donnees.

All God's good graces are not gone
To all, or of all anyone.

charge being to make an Oration before the Pope, and having long time before premeditated and con'd the [REDO 43] remaineth mute, if he have no leisure to prepare himselfe, and he likewise to whom leisure giveth no advantage to say better, are both in one selfe degree of strangeness. It is reported that Severus Cassius spake better extempore, and without premeditation.  That he was more beholding to fortune, than to his diligence; that to be interrupted in his speech redounded to his profit: and that his adversaries feared to urge him, lest his sudden anger should redouble his eloquence.  I know this condition of nature by experience, which cannot abide a vehement and laborious premeditation: except it hold a free, a voluntarie, and selfe pleasing course, it can never come to a good end. We commonly say of some compositions, that they smell of the oile {sprezzatura+}, and of the lampe, by reason of a certaine harshnesse, and rudenesse, which long plodding labour imprints in them that be much elaborated.  But besides the care of well-doing, and the contention of the minde, overstretched to her enterprise, doth breake and impeach the same; even

as it hapneth unto water, which being closely pent in, through its owne violence and abundance, cannot finde issue at an open gullet.  In this condition of nature, whereof I now speake, this also is joyned unto it, that it desireth not to be pricked forward by these strong passions, as the anger of Cassius (for that motion would be overrude) it ought not to be violently shaken, but yeeldingly solicited: it desireth to be rouzed and prickt forward by strange occasions, both present and casual.  If it go alone, it doth but languish and loyteron is her life and grace.  I canuot well conataine myselfe in mine owne possession and disposition, chance hath more interest in it than myselfe; occasion, company, yea the change of my voice drawes more from my minde than I can finde therein, when by myselfe I second and endevor to employ the same.  My words likewise are better than my writings, if choice may be had in so worthlesse things.  This also hapheth unto me, that where I seeke myselfe, I finde not myselfe: and I finde myselfe more by chance, than by the search of mine owne judgement.  I shall perhaps have cast foorth some suttletie in writing, haply dull and harsh for another, but smooth and curious for myselfe.  Let us leave all these complements and quaintnesse. That is spoken by everie man, according to his owne strength, I have so lost it, that I wot not what I would have said, and strangers have sometilnes found it before me.  Had I alwayes a razor about me, where that hapneth, I should cleane raze myselfe out.  Fortune may at some other time make the light thereof appeare brighter unto me than that of mid-day, and will make mee wonder at mine owne faltring or sticking in the myre.

As touching Oracles it is very certaine, that long before the comming of our Saviour Iesus Christ, they had begun to lose their credit: for we see that Cicero laboureth to finde the cause of their declination: and these be his words:  Cur isto modo jam oracula Delphis non eduntur, non modo nostra aetate, sed jamdiu, ut nihil possit esse contemptius?|1 'Why in like sort are not oracles now uttered, not onely in our times, but a good while since, so as now nothing can be more contemptible?' But as for other Prognostikes, that were drawne from the anatomie of beasts in sacrifice, to which Plato doth in some sort ascribe the naturall constitution of the intermall members of them, of the scraping of chickens, of the flight of birds, Aves quasdam rerum augurandarum causa natas esse putamus:/2 'We are of opinion', certain birds were even bred to prognosticate some things; of thunders, of turnings and backe-recourse of rivers.' Multa cernunt aruspices: multa augures provident: multa oraculis declarantur: multa vaticinationibus: multa somniis: multa portentis:/3 'Soothsayers see much: bird-prophets foresee as much: much is foretold by Oracles; much by prophecies; much by portentuous signes,' and others, upon which antiquitie grounded most of their enterprises, as well publike as private: our religion hath abolished them.  And albeit there remaine yet amongst us some meanes of divination in the starres, in spirits; in shapes of the
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1 CIC.  Divin. 1. ii. 2 Id.  Nat.  Deor. 3 Id. ib. 1. ii.
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body in dreames, and elsewhere a notable example of the mad and fond curiositie of our nature, ammusing it selfe to preoccupate future things, as if it had not enough to doe to digest the present.

      -----  cur hanc titi, rector Olympi
Sollicitis mortalibus addere curam
Noscant venturas ut dira per omnia clade
Bit subitum quodcunque paras, sit caeca futur
Mens hominum fati, liceat sperare timenti./2

Why pleas'd it thee, thou ruler of the spheares,
To adde this care to mortals care-clog'd minde
That they their miserie know, ere it appeares?
Let thy drifts sudden come; let men be blind
T'wards future fate: oh let him hope that feares. {Pope+}

miseries which he foresaw prepared by the fates against the Crowne of France, and the many friends he had there, he unkindly revolted, and became a turne-cote on the Emperors side, to his intolerable losse and destraction, notwithstanding all the constellations then reigning.  But be was drawne unto it as a man encompassed and beset by divers passions; for having both strong castles, and-all maner of munition and strength in his owne hands, the enemies armie under Antonio Leva about three paces from him, and we nothing mistrusting him, it was in his power to do worse than he did.  For notwithstanding his treason, we lost neither man nor towne, except Fossan, which long after was by us stoutly contested and defended.

Prudens futuri temporis exitu
Caliginosa nocte premit Deus
Ridetque, si mortalis ultr
Fas trepidat./1

Our wise God hides in pitch-darke nigh
Of future time th' event decreed
And laughes at man, if man (affright
Feare more than he to feare hath need.

Ille potens su
Laetqusue deget, cui licet in diem
Dixisse, vixi, cras vel atr
Nube polum pater occupato,
Vel sole puro./2

He of himselfe lives merily
Who each day, I have liv'd, can say
To morrow let God charge the skie
With darke clouds, or faire sun-shine-ray.

Laetus in praesens animus, quod ultra est,
Oderit curare./3

For present time a mery mind
Hates to respect what is behind.

Ista sic reciprocantur ut et si divinatio sit dii sint, et si dii sint sit divinatio:/4

quence is so reciprocall as if there be any divination, there are Gods: and if there be Gods, there is divination.' Much more wisely Pacuvius.

Nam istis linguam avium intelligunt
Plusque ex alieno jecoresapiunt, quam ex su
Magis audiendum, quam auscultandum censio./1

Who understand what language birds expresse
By their owne than beasts-livers knowing lesse
They may be heard, not hearkned to, I guesse.

jaculans, non aliquando conlincet?/1 'For who is he that, shooting all day, sometimes hits not the white?' I thinke not the better of them, though what they say proove sometimes true.  It were more certaine, if there were either a rule or a truth to lie ever.  Seeing no man recordeth their fables, because they are ordinarie and infinit; and their predictions are made to be of credit, because they are rare, incredible and prodigious; so answered Diagoras surnamed the Atheist (being in Samothrace) to him, who in shewing him diver's vowes and offrings hanging in the Temple, brought thither by such as had escaped shipwracke, said thus unto him: 'You that thinke the Gods to have no care of humane things, what say you by so many men saved by their grace and helpe?' 'Thus is it done,' answered he: 'Those which were drowned farre exceeding their number, are not here set- forth.' Cicero saith, That amongst all other Philosophers that have avowed and acknowledged the Gods, onely Xenophanes the Colophonian hath gone about to root out all maner of divination.  It is so much the lesse to be wondred at, if at any time we have seene some of our Princes mindes, to their great damage, relie upon such like vanities.  I would to God, I had with mine owne eyes seene those two wonders, mentioned in the booke of Ioachin the Abbat of Calabria, who foretold all the Popes that should ensue, together with their names and shapes:  And that of Leo the Emperor, who fore-spake all the Emperors and Patriarkes of Greece.  This have I seene with mine owne eyes, that in publike confusions, men amazed at their owne fortune, give themselves head-long, as it were to all maner of superstition, to search in heaven the causes and ancient threats of their ill-lucke; and in my time are so strangely successefull therein, as they have perswaded me, that it is an ammusing of sharpe and idle wits; that such as are inured to this subtletie, by folding and unfolding them, may in all other writings be capable to finde out what they seeke-after.  But above all,
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1 CIC.  Div. 1. ii.

their dark, ambiguous, fantasticall, and propheticall, gibrish, mends the matter much, to which their authors never give a plaine sense, that posterity may apply what meaning and construction it shall please unto it.  The Daemon of Socrates was peradventure a certaine impulsion or will, which without the advice of his discourse presented it selfe unto him. In a minde so well purified, and by continuall exercise of wisedome and vertue so wel prepared, as his was, it is likely, his inclinations (though rash and inconsiderate) were ever of great moment, and worthie to be followed. Every man feeleth in himselfe some image of such agitations, of a prompt, vehement and casuall opinion.  It is in me to give them some authoritie, that affoord so little to our wisedome.  And I have had some, equally weake in reason, and violent in perswasion and disswasion (which was more ordinarie to Socrates) by which I have so happily and so profitably suffred my selfe to be transported, as they might perhaps be thought to containe some matter of divine inspiration.

The law of resolution and constancie implieth not, we should not, as much as lieth in our power shelter our selves from the chiefes and inconveniences that threaten us, nor by consequence feare, they should surprise us.  Contrariwise, all honest meanes for a man to warrant himselfe from evils are not onely tolerable, but commendable.  And the part of constancie is chiefly acted, in firmely bearing the inconveniences, against which no remedie is to be found.  So that there is no nimblenesse of bodie, nor wealding of hand-weapons, that we will reject, if it may in any sort defend us from the blow, meant at us.  Many most warlike nations in their conflicts and fights, used retreating and flight as a principall advantage, and shewed their backs to their enemie much more dangerously than their faces.  The Turkes at this day retaine something of that humour.  And Socrates in Plato doth mocke at Laches, because he had defined fortitude, to keepe herselfe steadie in her rancke against her enemies; 'What,' saith hee, 'were it then cowardise to beat them in giving them place?' And alleageth Homer against him, who commendeth in AEneas his skill in flying and giving ground.  And because Laches being better advised, avoweth that custome to be amongst the Scithians, and generally amongst all horsemen, he alleageth further unto him the example of the Lacedemonian footmen (a nation above all other used to fight on foot who in the battell of Plateae, to open and to put to rowt the Persian Phalanx, advised themselves to scatter and put themselves backe,
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that so by the opinion of their flight, they might if they should pursue them, rush in upon them, and put that so combined-masse to rout.  By which meanes they gained the victorie.  Touching the Scithians, it is reported, that when Darius went to subdue them, he sent their King many reproachfull speeches, for so much as hee ever saw him retire and give ground before him, and to avoid the maine battell.  To whom Indathirsez (for so was his name) answered, that 'They did it not for feare of him, nor any other man living, but that it was the fashion of his nation to march thus: as having neither cities, nor houses, nor manured land to defend, or to feare their enemies should reape any commoditie by them.' But if hee had so great a desire to feed on them, he might draw neerer to view the place of their ancient Sepulchers, and there hee should meet with whom to speake his belly-full. Notwithstanding when a man is once within reach of cannonshot, and as it were point-blancke before them, as the fortune of warre doth diverse times bring men unto, it ill beseemeth a resolute minde to start- aside, or be daunted at the threat of a shot, because by the violence and suddennesse thereof wee deeme it inevitable: and there are some, who by lifting up of a hand, or stooping their head have sometimes given their fellowes cause of laughter: yet have we seeene in the voyage, the Emperour Charles the fifth made against us in Provence, the Marquis of Guasto, being gone out to survey the citie of Arles, and shewn himself out of a winde- mill, under colour of which he was come somewhat neere the Towne, he was discovered by the Lord of Bonevall, and the Seneshall of Agenois, who were walking upon the Theatre Aux arenes (so called in French because it is fall of sand) who shewing him to the Lord of Villiers, Commissarie of the Artillerie, hee mounted a culverin so levell, that had not the Marquis perceived the fire, and so started aside, it was constantly affirmed, hee had beene shot through the body likewise not many yeeres before, Lorence of Medici, Duke of Vrbin, and father to the Queene-mother of France, besieging

Mondolphe, a place in Italie, in the province named Vicariate, seeing fire given to a piece that stood upright upon him, stooped his head, and well befell him that he plaide the duck, for otherwise the bullet, which wenr right over, and within a little of his head, had doubtlesse shot him through the paunch.  But to say truth, I will never thinke these motions were made with discourse, for what judgement can you give of an aime, either high or low, in a matter so sudden?  It may rather be thought that fortune favoured their feare: and which an other time might as well bee a meane to make them fall into the cannons-mouth, as to avoid the same.  I cannot chuse, if the cracke of a musket doe suddenly streeke mine eares, in a place where I least looke for it, but I must needs start at it: which I have seene happen to men of better sort than myselfe.  Nor doe the Stoickes meane, that the Soule of their wisest man in any sort resist the first visions and sudden fantasies, that surprise the same: but rather consent that, as it were unto a naturall subjection, he yeelds and shrinks unto the loud clattering and roare of heaven, or of some violent downefall; for example-sake, unto palenesse, and contraction.  So likewise in other passions, alwayes provided, his opinion remaines safe and whole, and the situation of his reason+, admit no tainting or alteration whatsoever: and hee no whit consent to his fright and sufferance.  Touching the first part; the same hapneth to him, that is not wise, but farre otherwise concerning the second.  For the impression of passions doth not remaine superficiall in him: but rather penetrates even into the secret of reason, infecting and corrupting the same.  He judgeth according to them and conformeth himselfe to them.  Consider precisely the state of the wise Stoicke:
Mens immota manet, lachrymae volvuntur inanes./1

His minde doth firme remaine,
Teares are distill'd in vaine.

THERE is no subject so vaine, that deserveth not a place in this rapsodie. It were a notable discourtesie unto our common rules, both towards an equall, but more toward a great person, not to meete with you in your house, if he have once warned you that he will come:  And Margaret Queene of Navarre, was wont to say to this purpose, 'That it was a kinde of incivilitie in a gentleman, to depart from his house, as the fashion is, to meet with him that is comming to him, how worthy soever he be: and that it more agreeth with civilitie and respect, to stay for him at home, and there to entertain him: except it were for feare the stranger should misse his way: and that it sufficeth to companie and wait upon him, when he is going away again.' As for me, I oftentimes forget these vaine offices; as one that endevoureth to abolish all maner of ceremonies+ in my house.  Some will bee offended at it, what can I doe withall?  I had rather offend a stranger once, than my selfe everie day; for it were a continuall subjection.  To what end doe men avoid the servitude of Courts, and entertaine the same in their owne houses?  Moreover it is a common rule in all assemblies, that hee who is the meaner man, commeth first to the place appointed, forsomuch as it belongs to the better man to be staid-for and waited upon by the other.  Neverthelesse we saw that at the enterview, prepared at Merceilles betweene Pope Clement the seventh, and Francis the first, King of France, the King having appointed all necessarie preparation, went him-selfe
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out of the Towne, and gave the Pope two or three dayes leasure, to make his entrie into it, and to refresh himselfe, before he would come to meet him there.  Likewise at the meeting of the said Pope with the Emperour at Bologna, the Emperour gave the Pope advantage and leasure to be first there, and afterward came himselfe.  It is (say they) an ordinarie ceremonie at enter-parlies betweene such Princes, that the better man should ever come first to the place appointed yea before him in whose countrey the assembly is and they take it in this sence, that it is, because this complement should testifie, he is the better man, whom the meaner goeth to seeke, and that hee sueth unto him.  Not onely each countrey, but every Citie, yea, and every vocation hath his owne particular decorum+{sprezzatura+} I have very carefully beene brought up in mine infancie, and have lived in verie good company, because I would not bee ignorant of the good maners of our countrey of France, and I am perswaded I might keepe a schoole of them.  I love to follow them, but not so cowardly, as my life remaine thereby in subjection.  They have some painfull formes in them, which if a man forget by discretion, and not by errour, hee shall no whit bee disgraced.  I have often seene men proove unmanerly by too much maners, and importunate by over-much courtesie+.  The knowledge of entertainment is otherwise a profitable knowledge.  It is, as grace+ and beautie are, the reconciler of the first accoastings of society and familiarity: and by consequence, it openeth the entrance to instruct us by the example of others, and to exploit and produce our example, if it have any instructing or communicable thing in it.

VALOUR hath his limits, as other vertues have: which if a man out-go, hee shall find himselfe in the traine of vice: in such sort, that unlesse a man know their right bounds, which in truth are not on a sudden easily hit upon, he may fall into rashnesse, obstinacie and folly.  For this consideration grew the custome wee hold in warres, to punish, and that with death, those who wilfully opiniate themselves to defend a place, which by the rules of warre cannot be kept.  Otherwise upon hope of impunitie, there should bee no cottage that might not entertaine an Armie.  The Lord Constable Momorancie at the siege of Pavia, having beene appointed to passe over the river Tesine, and to quarter himselfe in the suburbs of Saint Antonie, being impeached by a tower that stood at the end of the bridge. and which obstinately would needs hold out, yea and to be battered, caused all those that were with-in it, to be hanged.  The same man afterward, accompanying my Lord the Dolphin of France in his iourney beyond the Alpes, having by force taken the Castle Villane, and all those that were within the same, having by the furie of the Souldiers bin put to the sword, except the Captaine, and his Ancient, for the same reason, caused them both to be hanged and strangled:  As did also Captaine Martin du Bellay, the Governour of Turin, in the same conntrey, the Captaine of Saint Bony: all the rest of his men having beene massacred at the taking of the place.  But forsomuch as the judgement
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of the strength or weaknesse of the place is taken by the estimate and counterpoise of the forces that assaile it (for som might justly opinionate himselfe against two culverins, that wold play the mad-man to expect thirtie cannons) where also the greatnesse of the Prince conquering must be considered, his reputation, and the r