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Plutarch's Lives Volume III

Source: Plutarch of Charonea. The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romanes Compared Together. Translated out of Greeke into French by James Amyot, Abbot of Bellozane, Bishop of Auxerre, and out of French into Englishe by Thomas North. Printed at the Shakespeare Head Press, Stratford-upon-Avon. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1928.

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Transcription conventions: Page numbers in angle brackets refer to this edition. The pages begin at 158 because Volume II of the Nutt edition contains the first three lives of the Shakespeare Head edition used for this segment. Words or phrases singled out for indexing are marked by plus signs. In the index, numbers in parentheses indicate how many times the item appears. I have allowed Greek passages to stand as the scanner read them, in unintelligible strings of characters.

Table of Contents:  Marcus Cato+ | ARISTIDES & MARCUS CATO+ | Philopoemen+ | Titus Quintius Flaminius+| AMINIUS & PHILOPOEMEN+ | Pyrrus+ | Caius Marius+

Index:  action+(1) | active+(1) | Angelo+(1) | anger+(4) | angered+(3) | Antonio+(1) | armor+(1) | avarice+(1) | Bardolph+(1) | benefit+(2) | brag+(1) | bragged+(1) | bragges+(1) | bucket+(1) | Carneades+(1) | choler+(1) | climber+(1) | common_wealth+(1) | condescension+(1) | constancy+(2) | Coriolanus+(1) | curteously+(1) | curtesies+(1) | deedes+(1) | double_dealing+(1) | dyed+(1) | effeminacy+(2) | effeminate+(1) | Empire+(3) | enemies+(1) | feare+(1)  forlorne_hope+(1) | fortune+(4) | frend+(1) | furious+(1) | fury+(1) | gifts+(1) | glory+(2) | Graces+(1) | gratitude+(1) | grave+(1) | Hal+(3) | histories+(1) | homosexuality+(1) | honor+(1) | Hotspur+(6) | humanitie+(1) | infidelity+(1) | ingratefull+(1) | integrity+(1) | just+(1) | justice+(3) | king+(1) | Macbeth+(1) | mad+(1) | magnanimity+(1) | mistrust+(1) | moralls+(1) | naked+(1) | pacience+(1) | pedantry+(1) | PlainDealer+(8) | plaine+(1) | plainely+(1) | pleasure+(1) | poore+(1) | prisoners+(1) | Regulus+(1) | sacke+(1) | Shylock+(1) | simplicity+(1) | skeptic+(1) | Soothsayers+(1) | Stoicism+(1) | temperaunce+(1) | trusted+(1) | unfaithfull+(1) | usery+(1) | Venus+(1) | warres+(1) | womanishe+(1) | | 


The Life of Marcus Cato+ the Censor

MARCUS Cato and his auncesters, were (as they say) of the city of THUSCULUM: but before he went unto the warres, and delt in matters of the common wealth, he dwelt and lived in the contry of the SABYNES, upon certeine land his father left him.  And though to many, his auncesters were knowen to have bene obscure: yet he him self did highly commende his father Marcus, by bearing his name, and saying he was a souldier, and had served valliantly in the fielde.  And he telleth also of an other Cato that was his great grandfather, who for his valliant service had bene most rewarded of the generals, with such honorable giftes, as the ROMAINES did use to geve unto them, that had done some famous act in any battell: and how that he havinge lost

<Plut3-160>            MARCUS CATO

five horses of service in the warres, the value of the same were restored to him againe in money of the common treasure, bicause he had shewed himselfe trusty and valliant for the common wealth.  And where they had a common speeche at ROME to call them upstartes, that were no gentlemen borne, but did rise by vertue: it fortuned Cato to be called one of them.  And for his parte, he did confesse it, that he was of the first of the house that ever had honor, and office of state: but by reason of the noble actes and good service of his auncestors, he maintained he was very auncient.  He was called at the beginning after his third name Priscus: but afterwardes by reason of his great wisedom and experience, he was surnamed Cato, bicause the ROMAINES call a wise man, and him that hath seene much, Cato.  He was somewhat geven to be redde faced, and had a payer of staring eyes in his heade, as this man telleth us, that for ill will wrote these verses of him after his death.

Pluto (the god) which rules the furies infernall,
will not receive the damned ghost, of Porcius his hall:
his saucy coppered nose, and flaring eyes,
his common slaunderous tales, which be did in this world devise,
made Pluto stande in dread that he would brawle in hell,
although his bones were drie and dead, on earth be was so fell.
Furthermore, touchinge the disposition of his body, he was marvelous stronge and lusty, and all bicause he did use to labor and toyle even from his youth, and to live sparingly, as one that was ever brought up in the warres from his youth: so that he was of a very good constitucion, both for strength of body, as for health also.  As for utterance, he esteemed it as a seconde body, and most necessarie gift, not onely to make men honest, but also as a thinge very requisite for a man that should beare sway and authoritie in the common wealth.  He practised 
MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-161>

to speake well in litle villages neere home, whether he went many times to plead mennes causes in courtes judiciall, that would retaine him of counsell: so as in short time he became a perfect pleader, and had tongue at will, and in processe of time became an excellent orator.  After he was thus well knowen, they that were familiar with him, began to perceive a grave+ manner and behaviour in his life, and a certaine noble minde in him, worthie to be employed in matters of state and great importance, and to be called into the common wealth.  For he did not onely refuse to take fees for his pleading, and following the causes he maintained: but furthermore made no reckening of the estimacion he wanne by that manner and practise, as though that was not the only marke he shot at.  But his desire reached further, rather to winne him selfe fame by service in the warres, and, by valliant fightinge with his enemie: then with such a quiet and pleasing manner of life.  Insomuch as when he was but a younge striplinge in maner, he had many cuttes apon his brest, which he had received in diverse battells and encounters against the enemies.  For he him selfe wryteth, that he was but seventeene yeare old, when he went first unto the warres, which was about the time of Hanniballs chiefe prosperitie, when he spoyled and destroved all ITALIE.  So when he came to fight, he would strike lustely, and never sturre foote nor geve backe, and woulde looke cruelly uppon his enemie, and threaten him with a fearefull and terrible voice, which he used him selfe, and wisely taught other also to use the like: for such countenaunces, sayed he, many times doe feare the enemies more, then the sworde ye offer them.  When he went any jorney, he ever marched a foote, and caried his armour apon his backe, and had a man waytinge on him that caried his vittells with him, with whom he was never angry (as they say) for any thing he had prepared for his 

<Plut3-162>            MARCUS CATO

dinner or supper, but did helpe to dresse it him selfe for the most parte, if he had any leasure, when he had done the duety of a private souldier in fortifying the campe, or such other nedefull businesses.  All the while he was abroade in service in the warres, he never drancke other then cleane water, unlesse it were when he founde he was not well, and then he woulde take a litle vineger: but if he saw he were weake, he woulde then drinke a litle wine.  Now it fortuned, that Manius Curius the ROMAINE, who had triumphed thrise, hadde a prety house and lande hard by Cato, where he kept in times past, which Cato for a walke would visite oft.  And he considering how litle lande he had to his house, and what a litle house he had withall, and how poorely it was built, wondered with him selfe what maner of man Curius had bene, that having bene the greatest man of ROME in his time, and having subdued the mightiest nations and people of all ITALIE, and driven kinge Pyrrus also out of the same: yet him selfe with his owne handes did manure that litle patche of grounde, and dwel in so poore and small a farme. {PlainDealer+} Whether notwithstanding, after his three triumphes, the SAMNYTES sent their Ambassadors to visite him, who founde him by the fyers side seething of perseneapes, and presented him a marvelous deale of golde from their state and communalty.  But Curius, returned them againe with their gold, and told them, that such as were contented with that supper, had no nede of gold nor silver: and that for his parte, he thought it greater honor to commaunde them that had gold, then to have it him selfe.  Cato remembring these thinges to him selfe, went home againe, and begmne to thinke upon his house, of his livinge, of his family and servauntes, and also of his expences: and to cut of all superfluous charges, and fell him selfe to labor with his owne handes, more then ever he hadde done before. Furthermore, 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-163>

when Fabius Maximus tooke the city of TARENTUM againe, Cato served under him being very younge, where he fell into familiar acquaintance with Nearchus the PYTHAGORIAN philosopher, in whom he tooke marvelous delight to heare him talke of Philosophy.  Which Nearchus held the same opinion of pleasure, that Plato did, by callinge it the sweete poyson and chiefest bayte to allure men to ill: and saying that the body was the first plague unto the soule, and that her onely health, remedy, and purgation stoode apon rules of reason, good examples and contemplations, that drive sinful thoughts and carnall pleasures of the body, farre of from her.{Stoicism+} Cato moreover gave him selfe much to sobriety and temperaunce, and framed him selfe to be contented with litle.  They say he fell in his very olde age to the study of the Greeke tongue, & to reade Greeke bookes, and that he profited somwhat by Thucydides, but much more by Demosthenes, to frame his matter, and also to be eloquent.  Which plainly appeareth, in all his bookes and writinges, full of authorities, examples, and stories taken out of Greeke authors: and many of his sentences and moralls+, his adages and quicke answers, are translated out of the same word for word.  Now there was a noble man of ROME at that time, one of great authoritie, and a deepe wise man besides, who coulde easily discerne buddes of vertue sprowtinge out of any towardly youth, who was of a good and honorable disposition to helpe forwarde, and to advaunce such.  His name was Valerius Flaccus, a neere neighboure unto Cato, who was informed by his servaunts of Catoes straunge life, how he would be doing in his ground with his owne hands: and how he would be gone every day betimes in the morning to litle villages thereabout, to pleade mens causes that prayed his counsaill, and that when he had done, he would come home againe: and if it were in winter, that he would but cast a 

<Plut3-164>            MARCUS CATO

litle coate on his shoulders, and being sommer he would go out bare, naked to the wast, to worke in his ground among his servaunts and other workemen: and would besides, sit and eate with them together at one borde, and drinke as they did.  Moreover, they told him also a world of such maners & facions which he used, that shewed [him] to be a marvelousplaine+ man, without pride & of a good nature.  Then they tolde him what notable wise sayinges and grave sentences they heard him speake.  Valerius Flaccus hearing this reporte of him, willed his men one day to pray him to come to supper to him.  Who falling in acquaintance with Cato, and perceiving he was of a very good nature, and wel given, and that he was a good griffe to be set in a better ground: he perswaded him to come to ROME, and to practise there in the assembly of the people, in the common causes and affayres of the common weale.  Cato followed his counsail, who having bene no long practiser among them, did grow straight into great estimacion, and wanne him many frends, by reason of the causes he tooke in hand to defend: and was the better preferred and taken also, by meanes of the speciall favour and countenaunce Valerius Flaccus gave him.  For first of all, by voyce of the people be was chosen Tribune of the souldiers, (to say, colonell of a thousand footemen) and afterwards was made treasorer: and so went forwards, and grew to so great credit and authority, as he became Valerius Flaccus companion in the chiefest offices of state, being chosen Consul with him, and then Censor.  But to begin withal, Cato made choise of Quintus Fabius Maximus, above all the Senators of ROME, and gave him selfe to follow him altogether: and not so much for the credit and estimacion Fabiu Maximus was of, (who therein exceded all the ROMAINES of that time) as for the modesty and discrete government he sawe in him, whome he determined to followe, 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-165>

as a worthy myrror & example.  At which time Cato passed not for the malice and evil will of Scipio the great, who did strive at that present being but a young man, with the authoritie and greatnesse of Fabius Maximus, as one that seemed to envy his risinge and greatnesse.  For Cato being sent treasorer with Scipio, when he undertooke the jorney into AFRIKE, and perceiving Scipioes bountifull nature and disposition to large giftes without meane to the souldiers: he tolde him plainly one day, that he did not so much hurt the common wealth in wasting their treasure, as he did great harme in chaunging the auncient maner of their auncesters: who used their souldiers to be contented with litle, but he taught them to spende their superfluous money (all necessaries provided for) in vaine toyes and trifles, to serve their pleasure.  Scipio made him aunswere, he woulde have no treasorer shoulde controll him in that sorte, nor that should looke so narrowly to his expences: for his intent was to go to the wars, with full sayles as it were, and that he woulde (and did also determine to) make the state privie to all his doinges, but not to the money he spent.  Cato hearing this aunswer, returned with spede out of SICILE unto ROME, crying out with Fabius Maximus in open Senate, that Scipio spent infinitely, and that he tended playes, commedies, and wrestlinges, as if he had not bene sent to make warres, invasions, and attemptes apon their enemies.  Apon this complaint the Senate appointed certeine Tribunes of the people, to goe and see if their informations were true: and finding them so, that they should bring him backe againe to ROME.  But Scipio shewed farre otherwise to the commissioners that came thither, and made them see apparaunt victorie, through the necessary preparacion and provision he had made for the warres: and he confessed also, that when he had dispatched his great businesse, and was at any leasurehe would be pri- 

<Plut3-166>            MARCUS CATO

vately mery with his frends: and though he was liberall to his souldiers, yet that made him not negligent of his duety and charge in any matter of importance.  So Scipio tooke shippinge, and sayled towards AFRIKE, whether he was sent to make warre.  Now to returne to Cato.  He daily increased still in authority and credit by meanes of his eloquence, so that diverse called him the Demosthenes of ROME: howbeit the maner of his life was in more estimacion, then his eloquence.  For all the youth of ROME did seeke to attaine to his eloquence and commendacion of wordes, and one envied an other which of them should come nearest: but few of them woulde fyle their handes with any labor as their forefathers did, and make a light supper and dinner, without fire or provision, or woulde be content with a meane gowne, and a poore lodging, and finally woulde thinke it more honorable to defye fansies and pleasures, then to have and enjoy them.  Bicause the state was waxen now of such power and wealth, as it could no more retaine the auncient discipline, and former austeritie and straitnes of life it used: but by reason of the largenes of their dominion and seigniory, and the numbers of people and nations that were become their subj ects, it was even forced to receive a medley of sundry contry facions, examples, & maners. {PlainDealer+} This was a cause, why in reason men did so greatly wonder at Catoes vertue, when they sawe other straight wearyed with paines & labor, tenderly brought up like pulers: and Cato on the other side never overcommen, either with the one or with the other, no not in his youth, when he most coveted honor, nor in his age also when he was gray headed and balde, after his Consullship and triumphe, but like a conqueror that had gotten the maistery, he would never geve over labor even unto his dying day.  For he writeth him selfe, that there never came gowne on his backe that cost him above a hundred pence, and 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-167>

that his hyndes and worke men alwayes dronke no worse wine, when he was ConsuR and generall of the armie, then he did him selfe: and that his cater never bestowed in meate for his supper, above thirty Asses of ROMAINE money, and yet he sayed it was, bicause he might be the stronger, and apter to do service in the warres for his contry and the common wealth.  He sayd furthermore, that being heire to one of his frends that dyed, he had a peece of tapestry by him with a deepe border, which they called then the babilonian border, and he caused it straight to be solde: and that of all his houses he had abroade in the contry, he had not one wall plastered, nor rough cast.  Moreover he would say, he never bought bondeman or slave dearer, then a thowsande five hundred pence, as one that sought not for fine made men, and goodly personages, but strong fellowes that could away with paynes, as carters, horsekepers, neatheardes, and such like: and againe he woulde sell them when they were olde, bicause he would not keepe them when they coulde do no service.  To conclude, he was of opinion, that a manne bought any thinge deere, that was for litle purpose: yea, though he gave but a farthing for it, he thought it to much to bestow so litle, for that which needed not.  He would have men purchase houses, that hadde more store of errable lande and pasture, then of fine orteyardes or gardeins. Some saye, he didde thus, for very miserie and covetousnesse: other thinke, and tooke it that he lived so sparingely, to move others by his example to cutte of all superfluitie and wast. {PlainDealer+} Neverthelesse, to sell slaves in that sorte, or to turne them out of dores when you have hadde the service of all their youth, and that they are growen olde, as you use brute beastes that have served whilest they may for age: me thinkes that must needes proceede of to seveare and greedie nature, that hath no lenger regarde or considerac 

<Plut3-168>            MARCUS CATO

ion of humanitie+, then whilest one is able to doe an other good.  For we see, gentlenesse goeth further then justice.  For nature teacheth us to use justice onely unto menne, but gentlenesse sometimes is shewed unto brute beastes: and that commeth from the very fountains and springe of all curtesie and humilitie, which shoulde never drye up in any manne livinge. For to saye truely, to keepe cast horses spoyled in our service, and dogges also not onely when they are whelpes, but when they be olde: be even tokens of love and kindenesse.  As the ATHENIANS made a lawe, when they builded their temple called Hecatompedon: that they shoulde suffer the moyles and mulettes that did service in their cariages about the buildings of the same, to graze everie where, without lette or trouble of any manne.  And they say, there was one of those moyles thus turned at libertie, that came of her selfe to the place to labour, goinge before all the other draught beastes, that drewe uppe cartes loden towardes the castell, and kept them companie, as though she seemed to encorage the rest to drawe: which the people liked so well in the poore beast, that they appointed she shoulde be kept whilest she lived, at the charge of the towne.  And yet at this present are the graves of Cimons mares to be seene, that wanne him thrise together the game of the horse race at the games Olympian, and they are harde by the grave of Cimon him selfe.  We heare of diverse also that hadde buried their dogges they brought uppe in their house, or that wayted on them: as amonge other olde Xanthippus buried his dogge on the toppe of a cliffe, which is called the dogges pit till this day.  For when the people of ATHENs did forsake their citie at the comminge downe of Xerxes the kinge, this dogge followed his master, swimminge in the sea by his gallies side, from the firme lande, unto the Ile of SALAMINA.  And there is no reason, to use livinge and 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-169>

sencible thinges, as we woulde use an olde shooe or a ragge: to cast it out apon the dongehill when we have worne it, and can serve us no longer. For if it were for no respect els, but to use us alwayes to humanitie: we must ever showe our selves kinde & gentle, even in such small poyntes of pitie.  And as for me, I coulde never finde in my hart to sell my drawght Oxe that hadde plowed my lande a longe time, bicause he coulde plowe no longer for age: and much lesse my slave to sell him for a litle money, out of the contrie where he had dwelt a long time, to plucke him from his olde trade of life wherewith he was best acquainted, and then specially, when he shal be as unprofitable for the buyer, as also for the seller. But Cato on the other side gloried, that he left his horse in SPAYNE he had served on in the warres duringe his Consulship, bicause he would not put the common wealth to the charge of bringing of him home by sea into ITALIE.  Now a question might be made of this, & probable reason of either side, whether this was nobleness or a niggardlines in him: but otherwise to say truely, he was a man of a wonderful abstinence.  For when he was general of the army, he never tooke allowance but after three bushells [of] wheat a moneth of the common wealth, for him selfe & his whole family: & but a bushel & halfe of barley a day, to keepe his horse and other beastes for his cariage.  On a time when he was Praetor, the government of the Ile of SARDINIA fell to his lot.  And where the other Praetors before him hadde put the contry to exceeding great charge, to furnish them with tents, bedding, clothes, and such like stuffe, and burdened them also with a marvelous traine of servaunts & their frends that waited on them, putting them to great expence of feasting and bancketing of them:  Cato in contrary maner brought downe all that excesse and superfluitie, unto a marvelous neere and uncredible savinge.  For when he 

<Plut3-170>            MARCUS CATO

went to visite the cities, he came a foote to them, & did not put them to a penny charge for him selfe: and had onely one officer or bailife of the state, that waited on him, and caried his gowne and a cuppe with him, to offer up wine to the goddes in his sacrifices.  But though he came thus simply to the subjects, and eased them of their former charges, yet he shewed him selfe severe and bitter to them in matters concerning justice: and spared no man, in any commaundement or service for the state and common wealth.  For he was therein so precise, that he woulde not beare with any litle fault.  So by this meanes, he brought the SARDINIANS under his govvernment both to love and feare+ the Empire of ROME, more then ever they did before. For his grace both in speakinge and wrytinge did tightly shewe him selfe: bicause it was pleasaunt, & yet grave: sweete & fearfull: mery & seveare: sententious, and yet familiar: such as is meete to be spoken. {PlainDealer+} And he was to be compared, as Plato sayed, unto Socrates: who at the first sight seemed a plaine simple manne to them that knew him not outwardly, or else a pleasant tawnter or mocker: but when they did looke into him, and found him throughly, they sawe he was full of grave sentences, goodly examples, and wise perswasions, that he coulde make men water their plantes that hearde him, and leade them as he would by the eare.  Therefore I can not see any reason that moves men to saye, Cato hadde Lysias grace and utteraunce.  Notwithstandinge, lette us referre it to their judgementes that made profession to discerne orators graces and styles: for my parte I shall content my selfe to write at this present, onely certaine of his notable sayinges & sentences, mennes manners are better then by their lookes, and so do many thinke.  On a time hee seeking to disswade the people of ROME, which woulde needes make a thanke- 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-171>

full distribution of corne unto everie citizen, to no purpose: beganne to make an oration with this preface. lt is a harde thinge (my Lordes of ROME) to bringe the bellie by perswasion to reason, that hath no eares. And an other time, reprovinge the ill government of the citie of ROME, he sayed: it was a hard thinge to keepe uppe that state, where a litle fishe was solde dearer then an Oxe.  He sayed also that the ROMAINES were like a flocke of sheepe.  For sayeth he, as every weather when he is alone, doth not obey the sheepeheard, but when they are all together they one followe an other for love of the foremost: even so are you, for when you are together, you are all contented to be ledde by the noses by such, whose counsell not a man alone of you woulde use in any private cause of your owne.  And talkinge an other time of the authoritie the women of ROME had over their husbandes.  He sayed: other men commaunde their wives, and we commaunde men, and out wives commaund us.  But this last of all, he borowed of Themistocles pleasaunt sayings.  For his sonne making him do many things by meanes of his mother, he told his wife one day.  The ATHENIANS commaund al GREECE, I commaunde the ATHENIANS, you commaunde me, & your sonne ruleth you.  I pray you therefore bid him use the libertie he hath with some better discretion, foole and asse as he is, sithence he can doe more by that power and authority, then all the GREECIANs besides.  He sayed also that the people of ROME did not onely delight in diverse sortes of purple, but likewise in diverse sortes of exercises.  For sayd he, as diverse commonly dye that cullour they see best esteemed, and is most pleasaunt to the eye: even so the lusty youthes of ROME doe frame them selves to such exercise, as they see your selves most like, & best esteme.  He continually advised the ROMAINES, that if their power and greatnes came by their vertue and temperance, 

<Plut3-172>            MARCUS CATO

they should take hede they became no chaungelings, nor waxe worse: and if they came to that greatnes by vice and violence, that then they should chaunge to better, for by that meanes he knew very wel they had attained to great honor and dignity.  Again he told them, that such as sued ambitiously to beare office in the connnon wealth, and were connnon suters for them: did seme to be afraid to lose their way, and therfore would be sure to have ushers and sergeants before them, to show them the way, least they should lose themselves in the city.  He did reprove them also, that often chose one man, to continew one office still: for it seemeth, saith he, either that you passe not much for your officers, or that you have not many choise men you thinke worthy for the office.  There was an enemy of his that ledde a marvelous wicked and an abominable life, of whome he was wont to say, that when his mother prayed unto the goddes that she might leave her sonne behinde her, she did not thinke to pray, but to curse: meaninge to have him live for a plague to the world.  And to an other also that had unthriftely solde his lands which his father had left him, lying upon the sea side: he pointed unto them with his finger, and made as though he wondered how he came to be so great a man, that he was stronger then the sea.  For that which the sea hardly consumeth, and eateth into, by litle and litle a long time: he had consumed it all at a clappe.  An other time when kinge Eumenes was come to ROME, the Senate entertained him marvelous honorably, and the noblest citizens did strive, envying one an other, who shoulde welcome him best.  But Cato in contrary maner shewed plainely, that he did suspect all this feastinge and entertainement, and would not come at it.  When one of his familiar frendes tolde him, I marvell why you flie from king Eumenes companie, that is so good a Prince, & loves the ROMAINES so well.  Yea, sayed he, let it be so, 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-173>

but for all that, a king+ is no better then a ravening beast that lives of the pray: neither was there ever any kinge so happie, that deserved to be compared to Epaminondas, to Pericles, to Themistocles, nor to Manius Curius, or to Hamylcar, surnamed Barea.  They say his enemies did malice him, bicause he used commonly to rise before day, and did forget his owne busines to folow matters of state.  And he affirmed, that he had rather loose the rewarde of his well doing, then not to be punished for doing of evill: and that he woulde beare with all other offending ignorauntly, but not with him selfe.  The ROMAINES having chosen on a time three Ambassadors to send into the realme of BITHYNIA, one of them having the gowte in his feete, the other his heade full of cuttes and great gashes, and the third being but a foole:  Cato laughinge, sayd the ROMAINES sent an Ambassade that had neither feete, heade, nor hart.  Scipio sued once to Cato at Polybius request, about those that were banisbed from ACHAIA.  The matter was argued afterwardes in the Senate, and there fell out divers opinions about it. Some would have had them restored to their contrie and goodes againe: other were wholly against it.  So Cato risinge up at the last, sayed unto them. It seemes we have litle else to do, when we stand beating of our braines all day, disputing about these olde GREECIANS, whether the ROMAINES, or the ACHAIANS, shall bury them.  In the end, the Senate tooke order, they shoulde be restored unto their contrie againe.  Whereup@on Polybius thought to make petition againe unto the Senate, that the banished men whom they hadde restored by their order, might enjoy their former estates and honors in ACHAIA, they had at the time of their banishment: but before he would move the sute unto the Senate, he woulde feele Catoes opinion first, what he thought of it.  Who aunswered him, smyling: me thinkes Polybius thou art like 

<Plut3-174>            MARCUS CATO

Ulysses, that when he had scaped out of Cyclops cave the gyant, he would nedes go thither againe, to fetch his hatte and girdell he had left behinde him there.  He sayd also, that wise men did learne and profit more by fooles, then fooles did by wise men.  For wise men sayd he, do see the faults fooles commit, and can wisely avoide them: but fooles never study to follow the example of wise mens doings.  He sayed also that he ever liked young men better that blushed, then those that looked ever whitely: and that he woulde not have, him for a souldier, that wagges his hande as he goeth, {effeminacy+} removes his feete when he fighteth, and rowteth and snorteth lowder in his sleepe, then when he crieth out to his enemy.  An other time when he woulde taunt a marvelous fatte man: see, sayed he, what good can such a body do to the common wealth, that from his chinne to his coddepece is nothing but belly?  And to an other man that was geven to pleasure, and desired to be great with him: my frende, sayed Cato as refusinge his acquaintance: I can not live with him that hath better judgement in the pallate of his mouth, then in his{PlainDealer+} hart.  This was also his sayinge, that the soule of a lover, lived in an others body: and that in all his life time he repented him of three thinges.  The first was, if that he ever tolde secret to any woman: the seconde, that ever he went by water, when he might have gone by lande: the thirde, that he had bene idle a whole day, and had done nothing.  Also when he saw a vicious olde man, he would say, to reprove him:  O gray bearde, age bringeth many deformities with it, helpe it not besides with your vice.  And to a seditious tribune of the people that was suspected to be a poysoner, and would needes passe some wicked law by voyce of the people, he woulde say: o young man, I know not which of these two be worse, to drinke the drugges thou gevest, or to receive the lawes thou offerest.  An other time, being re- 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-175>

viled by one that ledde a lewde, and naughty life: go thy way, sayd he, I am no man to scolde with thee.  For thou art so used to revile, and to be reviled, that it is not daynty to thee:  But for my selfe, I never use to heare scolding, and much lesse delite to scolde.  These be his wise sayinges we finde written of him, whereby we may the easilier conjecture his maners and nature.  Now, when he was chosen Consull with his frend Valerius Flaccus, the government of SPAYNE fell to his lott, that is on this sideof the river of BAETIS.  So, Cato havinge subdued many people by force of armes, and wonne others also by frendly meanes: sodainly there came a marvelous great army of the barbarous people against him, and had environned him so, as he was in marvelous daunger, either shamefully to be taken prisonner, or to be slaine in the fielde.  Wherefore, he sent presently unto the CELTIBERIANS, to pray aide of them, who were next neighbours unto the marches where he was.  These CELTIBERIANS did aske him two hundred talentes to come and help him: but the ROMAINES that were about him, coulde not abide to hyer the barbarous people to defende them.  Then Cato tolde them straight, there was no hurt in it, nor any dishonor unto them.  For sayed he, if the fielde be ours, then we shall pay their wages we promised, with the spoyle and money of our enemies: and if we loose it, then our selves and they lye by it, beinge left neither man to pay, nor yet any to aske it.  In the ende he wanne the battel, after a sore conflict, and after that time he hadde marvelous good fortune.  For Polybius wryteth, that all the walles of the cities that were on this side the river of BAETIS, were by his commaundement rased all in one day, which were many, and full of good souldiers.  Him selfe wryteth, that he tooke moe cities in SPAYNE, then he remained there dayes: and it is no vaine boast, if it be true that is written, that there were foure hundred cities 

<Plut3-176>            MARCUS CATO

of them.  Now, though the souldiers under him had gotten well in this jorney, and were riche, yet he caused a pounde weight of silver to be geven to every souldier besides: saying, he liked it better that many should returne home with silver in their purses, then a few of them with golde only.  But for him selfe, he affirmed: that of all the spoyle gotten of the enemies, he never had any thinge, savinge that which he tooke in meate and drinke.  And yet, sayth he, I speake it not to reprove them that grow riche by such spoiles: but bicause I woulde contende in vertue rather with the best, then in money with the richest, or in covetousnes with the most vertuous. {glory+} For, not only he him selfe was cleare from bribes and extorcion, but his officers also under him kept the same course.  In this Spanish jorney, he had five of his servauntes with him, whereof one of them called Pauus, bought three younge boyes that were taken in the warres, when the spoile was solde to them that would geve most.  So Cato knew it. But Pauus being afrayed to come neere his maister, hong him selfe: and then Cato solde the boyes againe, and put the money made of them into the treasory chestes of saving at ROME.  Now while Cato was in SPAYNE, Scipio the great that was his enemy, and sought to hinder the course of his prosperitie, and to have the honor of conqueringe all the rest of SPAYNE: he made all the frendes he could to the people, to be chosen in Catoes place.  He was no sooner entred into his charge, but he made all the possible spede he could to be gone, that he might make Catoes authority cease the sooner. Cato hearing of his hasty comminge, tooke only five ensignes of footemen, and five hundred horsemen to attende upon him home: with the which, in his jorney homeward, he overcame a people in SPAYNE called the LACETANIANS, and tooke sixe hundred traytors also that were fled from the ROMAINES campe to their ene- 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-177>

mies, and did put to death every mothers childe of them.  Scipio storming at that, sayd Cato did him wrong.  But Cato to mocke him finely, sayed: it was the right way to bringe ROME to florish, when noble borne citizens would not suffer meane borne men, and upstarts as him selfe was, to go before them in honor: and on the other side when meane borne men woulde contends in vertue, with those that were of noblest race, and farre above them in calling. {glory+} For all that, when Cato came to ROME, the Senate commaunded that nothing shoulde be chaunged nor altered otherwise, then Cato had appointed it, whilest he was in his office.  So that the government for which Scipio made such earnest sute in SPAYNE, was a greater disgrace unto him, then it was unto Cato: bicause he passed al his time and office in peace, having no occasion offered him to doe any notable service worthy memory.  Furthermore, Cato after he had bene Consul, and hadde graunted to him the honor to triumphe: did not as many others doe, that seeke not after vertue, but onely for worldly honor and dignity.  Who, when they have bene called to the highest offices of state, as to be Consulls, and have also graunted them the honor to triumphe: do then leave to deale any more in matters of state, and dispose them selves to live merely and quietely at home, and not to trouble them selves any more.  Now Cato, farre otherwise behaved him selfe.  For he would never leave to exercise vertue, but beganne a freshe, as if he had bene but a young novesse in the world, and as one greedy of honor+ and reputacion, and to take as much paines and more then he did before.  For, to pleasure his frends or any other citizen, he would come to the market place, and pleade their causes for them that required his counsell, and go with his frendes also into the warres.  As he went with Tiberius Sempronius the Consul, and was one of his Lieutenants at the conquest of the contry of 

<Plut3-178>          MARCUS CATO

THRACE, and unto the provinces adjoyning to the river of DANUBYE apon those marches.  After that, he was in GREECE also, a Collonell of a thowsande footemen, under Manius Aquilius, against king Antiochus surnamed the great, who made the ROMAINES as much afrayed of him, as ever they were of enemy but Hanniball.  For, when he had conquered all the regions and provinces of ASIA, which Seleucus Nicanor enjoyed before, and had subdued many barbarous and warlike nations: he was so proude harted, as he would nedes have wars with the ROMAINES, whom he knew to be the only worthy men, and best able to fight with him.  So he made some honest show and pretence of warres, saying: it was to set the GREECIANS at liberty, who had no cause thereof, considering they lived after their owne lawes, and were but lately delivered from the bondage of kinge Philip, and of the MACEDONIANS, through the goodnesse of the ROMAINES.  Notwithstandinge, he came out of ASIA into GREECE With a marvelous great army, and all GREECE. was straight in armes and in wonderfull daunger, bicause of the great promises and large hopes the governours of diverse cities (whome the kinge had wonne and corrupted with money) did make unto them.  Whereupon Manius dispatched Ambassadors unto the cities, & sent Titus Quintius Flaminius, amonge others, who kept the greatest parte of the people from rebellinge (that were easily drawen to geve eare to this innovation) as we have expressed more amply in his life: and Cato beinge sent Ambassador also, perswaded the CORINTHIANS, those of PATRAS, & the AEGIANS, and made them sticke stll to the ROMAINES, and continued a long time at ATHENS.  Some say they finde an oration of his wrytten in the Greeke tongue, which he made before the ATHENIANS, in commendacion of their auncesters: wherein he sayd, he tooke great pleasure to see ATHENS for the beauty and stateli- 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-179>

nesse of the city.  But this is false.  For he spake unto the ATHENIANs by an interpreter, though he coulde have uttered his oration in the Greeke tongue if he had bene disposed: but he did like the lawes and customes of his owne contrie, and the ROMAINE tongue so well, that he laughed at them that would praise and commend the Greeke tongue.  As he did once mocke Posthumius Albinus, who wrote an history in the Greeke tongue, praying the readers in his preface to beare with him, if they founde any imperfecdon in the tongue: mary, sayd Cato, he had deserved pardon in deede, if he hadde bene forced to bave wrytten his story in the Greeke tonge, by order of the states of GREECE, called the counsel of the Amphictyons.  They say the ATHENIANS wondered to heare his redy tongue.  For what he had uttered quickely in few words unto the interpreter: the interpreter was driven to deliver them againe with great circumstances, and many words.  So that he left them of this opinion, that the GREECIANS words lay all in their lippes, and the ROMAINES wordes in their heades.  Now kinge Antiochus kept all the straightes and narrow passages of the mountaines called THERMOPYLES, (beinge the ordinary way and entry into GREECE) and had fortified them as well with his army that camped at the foote of the mountains, as also with walles and trenches he had made by hande, besides the naturall strength & fortification of the mount it selfe in sundry places: and so he determined to remaine there, trusting to his owne strength and fortifications aforesayed, and to turne the force of the warres some other way.  The ROMAINES also, they dispayred utterly they should be able any way to charge him before. But Cato remembringe with him selfe the compasse the PERSIANS hadde fetched about before time likewise to enter into GREECE: he departed one night from the campe with parte of the army: to prove if he could finde the ve- 

<Plut3-180>            MARCUS CATO

ry compasse about, the barbarous people had made before.  But as they climbed up the mountains, their guide that was one of the prisoners taken in the contrie, lost his way, and made them wander up and downe in marvelous steepe rockes and crooked wayes, that the poore souldiers were in marvelous ill taking.  Cato seeing the daunger they were brought into by this lewde guide, commaunded all his souldiers not to sturre a foote from thence, and to tary him there: and in the meane time he went him selfe alone, and Lucius Manlius with him (a lustie man, and nimble to climbe apon the rockes) and so went forwarde at adventure, takinge extreame and uncredible paine, and in as much daunger of his life, grubbing all night in the darke without moone light, through wilde Olyve trees, and high rockes (that let them they coulde not see before them, neither could tell whether they went) untill they stumbled at the length uppon a litle pathe way, which went as they thought directly to the foote of the mountains, where the campe of the enemies lay.  So they set uppe certeine markes and tokens, uppon the highest toppes of the rockes they coulde choose, by view of eye to be discerned furthest of upon the mountaine called Callidromus.  And when they had done that, they returned backe againe to fetche the souldiers, whom they led towardes their markes they had set up: untill at the length they founde their pathe waye againe, where they putte their souldiers in order to marche.  Now they went not farre in this pathe they founde, but the way failed them straight and brought them to a bogge: but then they were in worse case then before, and in greater feare, not knowinge they were so neere their enemies, as in deede they were.  The day began to breake a litle, and one of them that marched formest, thought he hearde a noyse, and that he saw the GREEKES campe at the foote of the rockes, and certeine souldiers 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-181>

that kept watch there.  Whereupon Cato made them stay, and willed only the FIRMANIANS to come unto him, and none but them, bicause he had founde them faithfull before, and very ready to obey his commaundement.  They were with him at a trise to know his pleasure: so Cato said unto them.  My fellowes, I must have some of our enemies taken prisoners, that I may know of them who they be that keepe that passage, what number they be, what order they keepe, howe they are camped & armed, and after what sorte they determine to fight with us.  The waye to worke this feate, standeth apon swiftness and hardines to runne apon them sodainely, as Lyons doe, which beinge naked feare not to runne into the middest of any hearde of fearfull beastes. He had no sooner spoken these wordes, but the FIRMANIAN souldiers beganne to runne downe the mountains, as they were, apon those that kept the watch: and so setting apon them, they beinge out of order, made them flie, and tooke an armed man prisoner.  When they had him, they straight brought him unto Cato, who by othe of the prisoner was advertised, howe that the strength of their enemies armie was lodged about the persone of the kinge, within the straight and valley of the said mountains: and that the souldiers they saw, were sixe hundred AETOLIANS, all brave souldiers, whome they had chosen and appointed to keepe the toppe of the rockes over king Antiochus campe. When Cato had heard him, making small accompt of the matter, as well for their small number, as also for the ill order they kept: he made the trompets sounde straight, and his souldiers to marche in battell with great cries, him selfe being the formest man of all his troupe, with a sworde drawen in his hand.  But when the AETOLIANS saw them comming downe the rockes towardes them, they beganne to flie for life unto their great campe, which they filled full of feare, trouble, and all disorder.  Now 

<Plut3-182>            MARCUS CATO

Manius at the same present also, gave an assault unto the walles and fortifications the king had made, overthwart the vallies and straightes of the mountaines: at which assault, king Antiochus selfe had a blow on the face with a stone, that strake some of his teeth out of his mouth, so that for very paine and anguish he felt, he turned his horse backe, and got him behinde the prease.  And then there were none of his armie that made any more resistaunce, or that coulde abide the fiercenesse of the ROMAINES.  But notwithstanding that the places were very ill for flying, bicause it was unpossible for them to scatter and straggle, beinge holden in with high rockes on the one side of them, and with bogges and deepe marisses on the other side, which they must needes fall into if their feete slipped, or were thrust forwarde by any: yet they fell one apon an other in the straightes, and ranne so in heapes together, that they cast them selves away, for feare of the ROMAINES swordes that lighted uppon them in every corner.  And there Marcus Cato, that never made ceremony or nisenes to praise him selfe openly, nor reckened it any shame to do it: did take a present occasion for it, as falleth out apon all victory and famous exploytes. And so did set it out with all the ostentacion and brave wordes he could geve.  For he wrote with his owne handes, that such as saw him chase and lay upon his flying enemies that day, were driven to say, that Cato was not bound to the ROMAINES, but the ROMAINES bound unto Cato.  And then Manius the Consull selfe, being in a great heate with the furie of the battell, embraced Cato a great while, that was also hotte with chasinge of the enemy: and spake alowde with great joy before them all, that neither he, nor the people of ROME could recompence Cato for his valliant service that day. After this battell, the Consul Manius sent Cato to ROME, to be the messenger him selfe to reporte the newes of the victory. 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-183>

So he imbarked incontinently, and had such a fayer winde, that he passed over the sea to BRINDES without any daunger, and went from thence unto TARENTUM in one day, and from TARENTUM in foure dayes more to ROME.  And so he came to ROME in five dayes after his landing in ITALIE, and made such speede, that him selfe was in deede the first messenger that brought newes of the victorie.  Whereupon he filled all ROME with joy and sacrifices, and made the ROMAINES so proude, that ever after they thought them selves able men to conquer the worlde both by sea and lande.  And these be all the martiall deedes and noble actes Cato did.  But for his doings in civill policie and state, he semed to be of this opinion.  That to accuse and pursue the wicked, he thought it was the best thinge an honest man and good governour of the common wealth coulde employ him selfe unto: for he accused many, and subscribed many other accusations which they preferred.  And to be shorte, he did alwayes stirre up some accuser, as he did Petilius against Scipio. But Scipio, by reason of his nobility, the greatnes of his house, and the magnanimity+ of his minde, passed not for any accusation they could lay against him: being out of all feare, they shoulde be able to condemne him. And so he let fall the accusation he had against him.  Notwithstanding, he joyned with other that accused Lucius Scipio, his owne brother, and followed the matter so sore against him, that he caused him to be condemned in a great summe of money to the common wealth: who being unable to pay the fine, had gone to prison, & hardly scaped it, had not the Tribunes of the people revoked his condemnation.  It is sayd that Cato comming through the market place one day, and meeting with a younge manne by the way that had overthrowen his adversary in sute, and put one of his late fathers greatest enemies to open shame and foyle before the people: he imbraced 

<Plut3-184>           MARCUS CATO

him with a good countenaunce, and sayd unto him.  Oh my sonne, sacrifices that good children should offer to their fathers soule, be not lammes nor kiddes, but the teares and condemnations of their enemies.  But as he vexed other, so he scaped not free him selfe from daunger, in adminiaration of the common wealth.  For if they could katch the least vantage in the world of him, his enemies straight accused him: so as they say he was accused almost a fifty times, and at the last time of his accusation, he was about the age of foure score yeares.  And then he spake a thing openly that was noted: that it was a harder thinge to geve up an accompt of his life before men in any other world, then in this among whom he lived.  And yet was not this the last sute he followed: for foure yeares after, when he was foure score and tenne yeares of age, he accused Servius Galba.  And thus he lived as Nestor, in maner three ages of man, alwayes in continuall sute and action. For when he wrestled with the first Scipio the AFRICAN about matters of state and common wealth: he went on unto the time of the seconde, that was adopted by the first Scipioes sonne, the naturall sonne of Paulus AEmylius, who overcame Perseus, king of MACEDON.  Furthermore, Marcus Cato, tenne yeares after his Consulship, sued to be Censor, which was in ROME the greatest office of dignity that any citizen of ROME could attaine unto: and as a man may say, the roome of all glory and honor of their common wealth.  For among other authorities the Censor had power to examine mens lives and maners, and to punish every offendor.  For the ROMAINES were of that minde, that they woulde not have men mary, gette children, live privately by them selves, and make feastes and banckettes at their pleasure, they should stande in feare to be reproved and inquiered of by the magistrate: and that it was not good to geve every body liberty, to doe what they would, fol- 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-185>

lowing his owne lust and fansie.  And they judging that mens naturall dispositions do appeare more in such things, then in all other thinges that are openly done at none dayes, & in the sight of the worlde: used to choose two Censors, that were two Surveyors of maners, to see that every man behaved him selfe vertuously, & gave not them selves to pleasure, not to breake the lawes and customes of the common wealth.  These officers were called in their tongue, Censores, and alwayes of custome one of them was a PATRICIAN, and the other a commoner.  These two had power and authority to disgrade a knight by taking away his horse, and to put any of the Senate, whom they saw live dissolutely and disorderly.  It was their office also, to ceasse and rate every citizen accordinge to the estimacion of their goodes, to note the age, genealogies & degrees of every man, & to kepe bookes of them, besides many other prerogatives they had belonging to their office.  Therefore when Cato came to sue for this office among other, the chiefest Senators were all bent against him.  Some of them for very envy, thinkinge it shame and dishonor to the nobility, to suffer menne that were meanely borne, and upstartes (the first of their house and name, that ever came to beare office in the state) to be called and preferred unto the highest offices of state in all their common wealth.  Other also that were ill livers, and knowing that they had offended the lawes of their contry: they feared his cruelty to much, imagining he would spare no man, nor pardon any offence, having the law in his owne hands.  So when they had consulted together about it, they did set up seven competitors agamst him, who flattered the people with many fayer wordes and pronises, as though they had neede of magistrates to use them gently, and to doe thinges for to please them.  But Cato contrariwise, shewinge no countenaunce that he would use them gently in the office, but 

<Plut3-186>            MARCUS CATO

openly in the pulpit for orations, threatning those that had lived naughtily and wickedly, he cried out: that they must reforme their citie, and perswaded the people not to choose the gentlest, but the sharpest phisitions: and that him selfe was such a one as they needed, & among the PATRICIANS Valerius Flaccus an other, in whose company he hoped (they two beinge chosen Censors) to do great good unto the common wealth, by burninge and cutting of (like Hydras heades) all vanity and voluptuous pleasures, that were crept in amongest them: and that he sawe well enough, how all the other suters sought the office by dishonest meanes, fearing such officers as they knew would deale justly and uprightly.  Then did the people of ROME shew them selves nobly minded, & worthy of noble governours.  For they refused not the sowernesse or severity of Cato, but rejected these meale mouthed men, that seemed ready to please the people in all thinges: and thereupon chose Marcus Cato Censor, & Valerius Flaccus to be his fellow, and they did obey him, as if he hadde bene present officer, and no suter for the office, being in themselves to give it to whom they thought good. The first thing he did after he was stalled in his Censorship, was: that he named Lucius Valerius Flaccus, his frend and fellow Censor with him, prince of the Senate: and among many other also whom he thrust out of the Senate, he put Lucius Quintius FIaminius of the Senate, that had bene Consull seven yeares before, and was brother also unto Titus Quintius Flaminius that overcame Philip king of MACEDON in battell, which was greater glory to him, then that he had bene Consull.  But the cause why he put him of the Senate, was this.  This Lucius Quintius caried ever with him a younge boy to the warres, whom he gave as good countenaunce and credit unto, as to any of his best familiar frendes he had about him.  It fortuned on a time whileft Lucius Quintius was 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-187>

Consull and governour of a province, that he made a feast, and this boy being set at his table hard by him, as his maner was, he beganne to flatter him, knowing how to handle him when he was pretily mery: and soothing him, told him he loved him so dearely, that upon his departing from ROME, when the Swordeplaiers were ready to fight for life and death with unrebated swords to shew the people pastime, he came his way, and left the sight of that he never saw, that was very desirous to have seene a man killed. Then this Lucius Quintius, to make him see the like, sayed: care not for the sight thou hast lost, boy, for I will let thee see as much.  And when he had spoken these wordes, he commaunded a prisoner condemned to dye, to be fetched and brought into his hall before him, & the hangman with his axe.  Which was forthwith done according to his commaundement.  Then asked he the boy, if he would straight see the man killed: yea, Sir, sayd the boy: and with that he bad the hangman strike of his head.  Most wryters reporte this matter thus.  And Cicero to confirme it also, wrote in his booke de Senectute that the same was wrytten in an oration Cato made before the people of ROME.  Now Lucius Quintius beinge thus shamefully put of the Senate by Cato, his brother Titus beinge offended withall, coulde not tell what to doe, but besought the people they woulde commaunde Cato to declare the cause, why he brought such shame unto his house.  Whereuppon Cato openly before the people, made recitall of all this feast.  And when Lucius denied it, affirminge it was not so:  Cato would have had him sworne before them all, that it was not true they had burdened him withall.  But Lucius prayed them to pardon him, who sayed he woulde not sweare:  Whereupon the people judged straight that he deserved well that shame.  So not longe after, certaine games beinge shewed in the Theater, Lucius came thither, and passinge be-

<Plut3-188>            MARCUS CATO

yonde the ordinary place that was appointed for those that had bene Consuls, he went to sit aloofe of amongest the multitude.  The people tooke pity on him, and made such a do about him, as they forced him to rise, and to go sit among the other Senators that had bene Consuls: salving the best they could, the shame and dishonor happened unto so noble a house. Cato put out of the Senate also, one Manilius, who was in great towardnes to have bene made Consull the next yere following, only bicause he kissed his wife to lovingly in the day time, and before his daughter: {Angelo+} and reproving him for it, he tolde him, his wife never kissed him, but when it thundered.  So when he was disposed to be mery, he would say it was happy with him when Jupiter thundered.  He tooke away Lucius Scipioes horse from him, that had triumphed for the victories he had won against the great king Antiochus: which wan him much ill wil, bicause it appeared to the world he did it of purpose, for the malice he did beare Scipio the AFRICAN, that was dead.  But the most thing that greeved the people of all other extreamities he used, was his putting downe of all feastes and vaine expences.  For a man to take it cleane away, and to be openly seene in it, it was unpossible, bicause it was so common a thinge, and every man was given so to it.  Therefore Cato to fetche it about indirectly, did praise everv citizens goodes, and rated their apparell, their coches their litters, their wives chaines and juells, and all other moveables and household stuffe, that had cost above a thousand five hundred Drachmes a peece, at tenne times as much as they were worth: to the end that such as had bestowed their money in those curious trifles, should pay so much more subsidie to the maintenance of the common wealth, as their goods were over valued at.  Moreover he ordained for every thousand Asses that those trifling things were praised at, the owners of them 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-189>

should pay three thousand Asses to the common tresory: to the ende that they who were greeved with this taxe, and sawe other pay lesse subsidy (that were as much worth as them selves by living without such toye might call home them selves againe, and lay a side such foolishe bravery and finenesse.  Notwithstandinge, Cato was envied every way.  First, of them that were contente to pay the taxe imposed, rather then they would leave their vanity: and next, of them also, that would rather reforme them selves, then pay the taxe.  And some thinke that this law was devised rather to take away their goodes, then to let them to make shew of them: and they have a fonde opinion besides, that their riches is better seene in superfluous things, then in necessary.  Whereat they say Aristotle the Philosopher did wonder more, then at any other thing: how men could thinke them more rich and happy, that had many curious and superfluous things, then those that had necessary and profitable things.  And Scopas the THESSALIAN, when one of his familiar frends asked him, I know not what trifling thing, and to make bim graunt it the sooner, told him it was a thinge he might well spare, and did him no good: mary sayeth he, all the goodes I have, are in such toyes as do me no good.  So this covetous desire we have to be rich, commeth of no necessary desire in nature, but is bred in us by a false opinion from the common sorte.  Now, Cato caringe least of all for the exclamations they made against him, grewe to be more straight and severe.  For he cut of the pipes and quilles private men had made to convey water into their houses and gardens, robbing the city of the water that came from their common conduite heades, and did plucke downe also mens porches that were made before their dores into the strete, and brought downe the prises of common workes in the city, and moreover raised the common farmes and customes 

<Plut3-190>            MARCUS CATO

of the city, as high as he could: all which things together made him greatly hated and envied of most men.  Wherefore, Titus Flaminius, and certaine other beinge bent against him in open Senate, caused all Catoes covenauntes and bargaines made, with the master worke man for repayring and mending of the common buildings and holy places, to be made voide, as things greatly prejudiciall to the common wealth.  And they did also stirre up the boldest and rashest of the Tribunes of the people against him, bicause they should accuse him unto the people, & make request he might be condemned in the summe of two talentes.  They did marvelously hinder also the buildinge of the pallace he built at the charge of the common wealth, looking into the market place under the Senate house: which pallace was finished notwithstanding and called after his name, Basilica Porcia: as who would say, the pallace Porcia the Censor built.  Howebeit it seemed the people of ROME did greatly like and commend his government in the Censorshippe.  For they set up a statue of him in the temple of the goddesse of health, whereunder they wrote not his victories nor triumphe but only ingraved this inscription word for worde, to this effect by translation:  For the honor of Marcus Cato the Censor: bicause he reformed the discipline of the common wealth of ROME (that was farre out of order, and given to licentious life) by his wise preceptes, good maners, and holy institutions.  In deede, before this image was set up for him, he was wont to mocke at them that delighted, and were desirous of such thinges: saying, they did not consider how they bragged+ in founders, painters, and image makers, but nothing of their vertues: and that for him selfe, the people did alwayes cary lively images of him in their hartes, meaninge the memory of his life and doings.  When some wondered why diverse meane men and unknowen persones had images 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-191>

set up of them, and there were none of him: he gave them this aunswer. I had rather men should aske why Cato had no Image set up for him, then why he had any.  In the ende, he would have no honest man abide to be praised, onles his praise turned to the benefit of the common wealth:{PlainDealer+} and yet was he one of them that would most praise him selfe.  So that if any had done a fault, or stept awry, and that men had gone about to reprove them: he woulde say they were not to be blamed, for they were no Catoes that did offende.  And such as counterfeated to follow any of his doinges, and came shorte of his maner, he called them left handed Catoes.  He would say, that in most daungerous times the Senate used to cast their eyes upon him, as passengers on the sea do looke upon the master of the shippe in a storme: and that many times when he was absent, the Senate would put over matters of importance, untill he might come amonge them.  And this is confirmed to be true, as well by other, as by him selfe.  His authority was great in matters of state, for his wisedome, his eloquence, and great experience.  Besides this commendacion, they praised him for a good father to his children, a good husband to his wife, and a good saver for his profit: for he was never careles of them, as things to be lightly passed on.  And therfore me thinkes I must nedes tell you by the way, some parte of his well doinge, to followe our declaration of him.  First of all, he maried a gentlewoman more noble then rich, knowing that either of both should make her proude and stoute enough: but yet he ever thought the nobler borne, would be the more ashamed of dishonesty, then the meaner borne: and therefore that they would be more obedient to their husbandes, in all honest maner and reasonable things.  Furthermore, he sayd: that he that bet his wife or his child, did commit as great a sacriledge, as if he polluted or spoiled the holyest thinges of

<Plut3-192>            MARCUS CATO

the world: and he thought it a greater praise for a man to be a good husband, then a good Senator.  And therefore he thought nothinge more commendable in the life of olde Socrates, then his pacience, in using his wife well, that was such a shrewe, and his children that were so harebrainde.  After Catoes wife had brought him a sonne, he could not have so earnest busines in hande, if it had not touched the common wealth, but he would let all alone, to go home to his house, about the time his wife did unswadell the younge boy to washe and shift him: for she gave it sucke with her owne brestes, and many times woulde let the slaves children sucke of her also, bicause they might have a naturall love towardes her sonne, havinge sucked one milke, and bene brought up together.  When his sonne was come to age of discretion, and that he was able to learne any thinge, Cato him selfe did teache him, notwithstanding he had a slave in his house called Chilo (a very honest man, and a good grammarian) who did also teach many other: but as he sayed him selfe, he did not like, a slave should rebuke his sonne, not pull him by the eares, when paradventure he was not apt to take very sodainely that was taught him: neither would he have his sonne bounde to a slave for so great a matter as that, as to have his learning of him. Wherefore be him selfe taught him his grammer, the law, and to exercise his body, not only to throw a dart, to play at the sword, to vawt, to ride a horse, and to handle all sortes of weapons, but also to fight with fistes, to abide colde and heate, and to swimme over a swift river.  He sayed moreover, that he wrote goodly histories+ in great letters with his owne hande, bicause his sonne might learne in his fathers house the vertues of good men in times past, that he taking example by their doings should frame his life to excell them.  He sayde also that he tooke as great heede of speaking any 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-193>

fowle or uncomely wordes before his sonne, as he would have done if he had bene before the Vestall Nunnes.  He never was in the whotte house with his sonne: for it was a common use with the ROMAINES at that time, that the sonnes in law did not bathe them selves with their fathers inlaw, but were ashamed to see one another naked+.  But afterwardes they havinge learned of the GREEKES to wash them selves naked with men, it taught them also to be naked in the bathe even with their wives.  There lacked no towardlines, nor good disposition in Catoes sonne, to frame him selve vertuous: for he was of so good a nature, that he shewed him selfe willing to followe whatsoever his father had taught him.  Howebeit he was such a weake pulinge, that he coulde not away with much hardnesse, and therefore his father was contented not to binde him to that straight and painfull life, which him selfe had kept.  Yet he became valliant in the warres.  For be fought marvelous stowtely in the battell, in which Perseus the kinge of MACEDON was overthrowen by Paulus AEmylius: where his sword being striken out of his hand with a great blow that lighted on it, and by reason his hand was somwhat sweaty besides, he fell into a great fury, and prayed of his frendes about him to recover it.  So they all together ranne uppon the enemies in that place where his sword fell out of his hande, and came in so fiercely on them, that they made a line through them, and clearing the place, found it in the end, but with much a do, being under such a heape of dead bodies and other. weapons, as well ROMAINES as MACEDONIANS, one lying on an other. Paulus Emylius the Generall hearing of this gift of his, did highly commende the younge man.  And at this day there is a letter extant from Cato to his sonne, in the which he praiseth this worthy fact and toile of his, for the recoveringe of his sworde againe.  Afterwardes, this Cato the younger maried Ter- 

<Plut3-194>            MARCUS CATO

tia, one of Paulus AEmylius daughters, and sister unto Scipio the seconde, and so was matched in this noble house, not onely for his owne vertues sake, but for respect of his fathers dignity and authority: wherby the great care, paines, and study that Cato the father tooke in bringing up his sonne in vertue and learninge was honorably rewarded in the happy bestowing of his sonne.  He ever had a great number of young litle slaves which he bought, when any would sell their prisoners in the warres.  He did choose them thus young, bicause they were apt yet to learne any thinge he would traine them unto, and that a man might breake them, like young coltes, or litle whelpes.  But none of them all, how many soever he had, did ever goe to any mans house, but when him selfe or his wife did sende them.  If any man asked them what Cato did: they aunswered, they coulde not tell. And when they were within, either they must needes be occupied about somewhat, or else they must sleepe: for he loved them well that were sleepy, holdinge opinion that slaves that loved sleepe were more tractable, and willing to do any thing a man would set them to, then those that were waking.  And bicause he thought that nothing more did provoke slaves to mischiefe & naughtines, then lust and desire of women: he was contented his slaves might company with his bondewomen in his house, for a peece of money he appointed them to pay, but with straight connnaundement besides, that none of them should deale with any other woman abroade.  At the first when he gave him selfe to follow the warres, and was not greatly rich, he never was angry for any fault his servauntes did about his persone: saying it was a fowle thing for a gentleman or noble man, to fall out with his servauntes for his belly.  Afterwardes, as he rose to better state, and grew to be wealthier, if he had made a dinner or supper for any of his friendes and familiars, they were 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-195>

no sooner gone, but he woulde scourge them with whippes and leather thonges, that had not waited as they should have done at the borde, or had forgotten any thing he would have had done.  He would ever craftily make one of them fall out with an other: for he could not abide they should be frendes, beinge ever jealous of that. lf any of them had done a fault that deserved death, he would declare this offence before them all: and then if they condemned him to dye, he would put him to death before them all.  Howebeit in his latter time he grewe greedy, and gave up his tillage, sayinge it was rather pleasaunt, then profitable.  Therfore bicause he would lay out his money surely, and bring a certaine revenue to his purse he bestowed it uppon pondes naturall hotte bathes, places fit for fullers craft, upon meadowes and pastures, upon copises and young wodde: and of all these he made a great and a more quiet revenue yearly, which he would say, Jupiter him selfe could not diminishe.  Furthermore, he was a great userer, both by land and by sea: and the usery+ he tooke by sea was most extreame of all other, for he used it in this sorte.  He would have them to whome he lent his money unto, that traffiked by sea, to have many parteners, and to the number of fifty: and that they should have so many shippes. Then he would venter among them for a parte onely, whereof quintius his slave whom he had manumised, was made his factor, and used to sayle, and traffiked with the marchaunts, to whom he had lent his money out to usery. And thus he did not venter all the money he lent, but a litle peece only for his parte, and gotte marvelous riches by his usery.  Moreover he lent money to any of his slaves, that would therwith buy other young slaves, whom they taught and brought up to do service, at Catoes charge & cost: and then they solde them againe at the yeares ende, and some of them Cato kept for his owne service, & gave 

<Plut3-196>            MARCUS CATO

his slaves as much for them, as any other offered.  Therfore to allure his sonne in like manner to make profitte of his money: he tolde him it was no wise mans parte to diminishe his substance, but rather the parte of a widowe.  Yet this was a token of a most greedy covetous minde, that he durst affirme him to be divine, & worthy immortall praise, that increased his wealth & patrimony more, then his father left him.  Furthermore, when Cato was growen very olde, Carneades the ACADEMICKE, and Diogenes the STOICKE, were sent from ATHENs as Ambassadors to ROME, to sue for a release of a fyne of five hundred talentes which they had imposed on the ATHENIANs apon a condemnation passed against them, for a contempt of appearaunce, by the sentence of the SICYONIANS, at the sute of the OROPIANS.  Immediatly when these two Philosophers were arrivedin the citie ofROME, the younge gentlemen that were geven to their bookes, did visite and welcome them, and gave great reverence to them after they had heard them speake, and specially to Carneades+: whose grace in speaking, and force of perswading was no lesse, then the fame ranne uppon him, and specially when he was to speake in so great an audience, and before such a state, as would not suppresse his praise.  ROME straight was full, as if a winde had blowen this rumor into every mans eare: that there was a GREECIAN arrived, a famous learned man, who with his eloquence woulde leade a man as he lust.  There was no other talke a while through the whole city, he had so inflamed the younge gentlemens mindes with love and desire to be learned: that all other pleasures and delightes were set a side, & they disposed them selves to no other exercise, but to the study of Philosophy, as if some secrete and divine inspiration from above had procured them to it.  Whereof the Lordes and Senators of ROME, were glad, and rejoyced much to see their youth so well geven to 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-197>

knowledge, and to the study of the Greeke tongue, and to delite in the company of these two great and excellent learned men.  But Marcus Cato, even from the beginning that young men beganne to study the Greeke tongue, & that it grewe in estimacion in ROME, did dislike of it: fearing least the youth of ROME, that were desirous of learninge and eloquence, woulde utterly give over the honor and glory of armes.  Furthermore, when he sawe the estimacion and fame of these two personages did increase more and more, and in such sorte that Caius Aquilius, one of the chiefest of the Senate, made sute to be their interpreter: he determined then to convey them out of the citie by some honest meane & culour.  So he openly found fault one day in the Senate, that the Ambassadors were long there, and had no dispatche: considering also they were cunninge men, & coulde easily perswade what they would.  And if there were no other respect, this onely might perswade them to determine some aunswere for them, and so to send them home againe to their schooles, to teach their children of GREECE, and to let alone the children of ROME, that they might learne to obey the lawes and the Senate, as they had done before.  Now he spake this to the Senate, not of any private ill will or malice he bare to Carneades, as some men thought: but bicause he generally hated Philosophy, {pedantry+} and of an ambition despised, the muses, and knowledge of the Greeke tongue. Such was the more suspected, bicause he had sayd, the auncient Socrates was but a busie man, and a sturrer up of sedition, and sought by all meanes possible to usurpe tyranny, and rule in his contrie: by perverting and chaunging the manners and customes of the same, and alluringe the subjects thereof to a auncient customes.  And he laughed at Socrates schoole, that taught the arte of eloquence: saying, his schollers waxed old, and were still 

<Plut3-198>            MARCUS CATO

so long a learning, that they ment to use their eloquence and pleade causes in an other worlde, before Minos, when they were dead.  Therefore, to plucke his sonne from the study of the Greeke tongue, he sayd to him with a strayned voyce, and in a bigger sound then he was wont to doe: (as if he had spoken to him by way of prophecy or inspiration) that so longe as the ROMAINES disposed them selves to study the Greeke tongue, so longe woulde they marre and bring all to nought.  And yet time hath proved his vaine wordes false and untrue.  For the citie of ROME did never florishe so much, nor the ROMAINE Empire was ever so great, as at that time, when learninge and the Greeke tongue most florished.  Howebeit Cato did not onely hate the Philosophers of GREECE, but did dislike them also, that professed phisicke in ROME.  For he had either hearde or red the aunswere Hippocrates made, when the king of PERSIA sent for him, & offered him a great summe of golde and silver, if he woulde come and serve him: who sware he would never serve the barbarous people, that were naturall enemies to the GREECIANS. So Cato affirmed, it was an othe that al other phisitions sware ever after: wherefore he commaunded his sonne to flie from them all alike, & sayed he hadde wrytten a litle booke of phisicke, with the which he did heale those of his house when they were sicke, & did keepe them in health when they were whole.  He never forbad them to eate, but did alwayes bringe them uppe with erbes, and certaine light meates, as mallard, ringedoves, and hares: for such meates, sayd he, are good for the sicke, and light of disgestion, saving that they make them dreame and snorte that eate them. He boasted also how with this maner of phisicke, he did alwayes keepe him selfe in health, and his family from sickenes.  Yet for all that, I take it, he did not all that he bragged of for he buried both his wife, and his sonne also.  But 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-199>

he him selfe was of a stronge nature, and a lusty body, ful of strength, and health, and lived long without sickenesse: so that when he was a very olde man & past mariage, he loved women well, and maried a younge maiden for that cause onely.  After his first wife was dead, he maried his sonne unto Paulus AEmylius daughter, the sister of Scipio, the seconde AFRICAN. Cato him selfe beinge a widower, tooke paines with a prety younge maid that waited in his house, and came by stelth to his chamber: howebeit this haunt coulde not long continue secret in his house, and specially where there was a younge gentlewoman maried, but needes must be spied.  So, one day when this young maide went somewhat boldly by the chamber of young Cato, to go into his father, the young man sayd never a word at it: yet his father perceived that he was somewhat ashamed, and gave maide no good countenaunce.  Wherefore findinge that his sonne and daughter in lawe were angry with the matter, sayinge nothinge to them of it, nor shewinge them any ill countenaunce: he went one morninge to the market place (as his maner was) with a traine that followed him, amongest whome was one Salonius, that had bene his clearke, and wayted upon him as the rest did.  Cato calling him out alowde by his name, asked him if he hadde not yet bestowed his daughter.  Salonius aunswered him, he had not yet bestowed her, nor woulde not, before he made him privie to it.  Then Cato tolde him againe:  I have founde out a husbande for her, and a sonne in lawe for thee, and it will be no ill matche for her, unlesse she mislike the age of the man, for in deede he is very olde, but otherwise there is no faulte in him.  Salonius tolde him againe, that for that matter, he referred all to him, and his daughter also, prayinge him even to make what matche he thought good for her: for she was his humble servaunt, and relyed wholly uppon him, stand- 

<Plut3-200>            MARCUS CATO

in neede of his favor and furtheraunce.  Then Cato beganne to discover, and tolde him plainely he woulde willingely mary her him selfe.  Salonius therewith was abashed, bicause he thought Cato was too olde to mary then, and him selfe was no fitte manne to matche in any honorable house, speciallie with a Consull and one that hadde triumphed: howebeit in the ende, when he sawe Cato ment good earnest, he was very glad of the matche, and so with this talke they went on together to the markette place, and agreed then upon the mariage.  Now while they went about this matter, Cato the sonne taking some of his kinne and frendes with him, went unto his father, to aske him if he had offended him in any thinge, that for spight he shoulde bringe him a steppe mother into his house.  Then his father cried out, and sayd:  O my sonne, I pray thee say not so, I like well all thou doest, and I finde no cause to complaine of thee: but I do it, bicause I desire to have many children, and to leave many such like citizens as thou art, in the common wealth.  Some say that Pisistratus the tyran of ATHENS, made such a like aunswere unto the children of his first wife, which were men growen, when he maried his seconde wife Timonassa, of the towne of ARGOS, of whom he had (as it is reported) Iophon, and Thessalus.  But to returne againe to Cato, he had a sonne by his second wife, whom he named after her name, Cato SALONIAN: and his eldest sonne died in his office beinge Praetor, of whome he often speaketh in diverse of his bookes, commendinge him for a very honest man.  And they say, he tooke the death of him very paciently, and like a grave wise man, not leaving therefore to do any service or businesse for the state, otherwise then he did before.  And therein he did not, as Lucius Lucullus, and Metellus surnamed Pius, did afterwards: who gave up medling any more with matters of government and state, after they were waxen olde. 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-201>

For he thought it a charge and duety, whereunto every honest man whilest he lived, was bounde in all piety. {active+} Nor as Scipio AFRICAN hadde done before him, who perceiving that the glory and fame of his doings did purchase him the ill will of the citizens, he chaunged the rest of his life into quietness and forsooke the citie and all dealings in common wealth, and went and dwelt in the contry.  But as there was one that told Dionysius, the tyran of SYRACUSA, as it is wrytten, that he could not die more honorably, then to be buried in the tyranny: even so did Cato thinke, that he could not waxe more honestlie olde, then in serving of the common wealth, unto his dying day.  So at vacant times, when Cato was desirous a litle to recreate and refresh him selfe, he passed his time away in makinge of bookes, and lookinge uppon his husbandry in the contry.  This is the cause why he wrote so many kindes of bookes and stories.  But his tillage and husbandry in the contry, he did tende and followe all in his youth, for his profit. For he sayed he had but two sortes of revenue, tillage, and sparinge: but in age, whatsoever he did in the contry, it was all for pleasure, and to learne some thinge ever of nature.  For he hath wrytten a booke of the contry life, and of tillage, in the which he sheweth howe to make tattes & cakes, and how to keepe frutes.  He woulde needes shew such singularity and skill in all thinges: when he was in his house in the contry, he fared a litle better then he did in other places, and would oftentimes bid his neighbours, and such as had lande lying about him, to come and suppe with him, and he would be mery with them: so that his company was not onely pleasaunt, and likinge to olde folkes as him selfe, but also to the younger sorte.  For he had seene much, & had experience in many thinges, and used much pleasaunt talke, profitable for the hearers.  He thought the bord one ofthe chiefest meanes to breede love amongest 

<Plut3-202>            MARCUS CATO

men, and at his owne table woulde alwayes praise good men and vertuous citizens, but would suffer no talke of evill men, neither in their praise nor dispraise.  Now it is thought the last notable acte and service he did in the common wealth, was the overthrow of CARTHAGE: for in deede he that wanne it, and rased it utterly, was Scipio the seconde, but it was chiefely through Catoes counsell and advise, that the last warre was taken in hand against the CARTHAGINIANS, and it chaunced apon this occasion.  Cato was sent into AFRICKE to understande the cause and controversie that was betwene the CARTHAGINIANS & Massinissa, kinge of NUMIDIA, which were at great warres together.  And he was sent thither, bicause king Massinissa had ever bene a frend unto the ROMAINES, and for that the CARTHAGINIANS were become their confederates since the last warres, in the which they were overthrowen by Scipio the first, who tooke for a fyne of them, a great parte of their Empire, & imposed apon them besides, a great yearely tribute.  Now when he was come into that contrie, he founde not the citie of CARTHAGE in miserie, beggerie, and out of harte, as the ROMAINES supposed: but full of lusty youthes very riche and wealthie, and great store of armour and munition in it for the warres, so that by reason of the wealth thereof, CARTHAGE caried a high sayle, and stowped not for a litle.  Wherefore he thought that it was more then time for the ROMAINES to leave to understande the controversies betwext the CARTHAGINIANS and Massinissa, and rather to provide betimes to destroye CARTHAGE, that hadde beene ever an auncient ennemie to the ROMAINES, and ever sought to be revenged of that they hadde suffered at their handes before, and that they were now growen to that greatnes and corage in so shorte time, as in manner it was incredible: so as it was likely they would fall into as great enmity with the ROMAINIES, as 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-203>

they ever did before.  Therefore so soone as he returned to ROME, he plainly tolde the Senate, that the losses and harmes the CARTHHAGINIANs had received by the last warres they had with them, had not so much diminished their power and strength, as the same had shewed their owne folly and lacke of wisdom: for it was to be feared much, least their late troubles had made them more skilfull, then weakened them for the warres.  And that they made warres nowe with the NUMlDIANS, to exercise them onely, meaninge afterwardes to warre with them selves: and that the peace they had made with them, was but an intermission and stay of warres, only expecting time and opportunity to breake with them againe.  They say moreover, that besides the perswasions he used, he brought with him of purpose, AFRICKE, figges in his long sleeves, which he shooke out amongest them in the Senate.  When the Senators marvailed to see so goodly fayer greene figges, he sayed: the contry that beareth them, is not above three dayes sailinge from ROME.  But yet this is more straunge which they reporte of him besides: that he never declared his opinion in any matter in the Senate after that, but this was ever the one ende of his tale: me thinketh still CARTHAGE would be utterly destroyed. Publius Scipio Nasica used ever in like manner the contrary speech: that he thought it meete CARTHAGE should stand.  This Publius Scipio saw, in my opinion, that the ROMAINES through their pride and insolency were full of absurdities, and caried them selves very high, by reason of their happy successe and victories, and were so lofty minded, that the Senate could hardly rule them: and that by reason of their great authoritie, they imagined they might bringe their citie to what height they would.  Therefore he spake it, that the feare of CARTHAGE might alwayes continue as a bridle, to raigne in the insolency of the people of ROME, who 

<Plut3-204>            MARCUS CATO

knew well enough, that the CARTHAGINIANS were of no sufficient power to make warres with the ROMAINES, nor yet to overcome them: and even so were they not wholly to be despised, and not to be feared at all.  Cato still replied to the contrary, that therein consisted the greatest daunger of all: that a citie which was ever of great force and power, and had bene punished by former warres and misery, would alwayes have an eye of revenge to their enemies, and be much like a horse that had broken his halter, that being unbridled, would runne upon his rider.  And therefore he thought it not good, not sounde advise, so to suffer the CARTHAGINIANS to recover their strength, but rather they ought altogether to take away all outward daunger, and the feare they stoode in to loose their conquest: and specially, when they left meanes within the city selfe to fall still againe to their former rebellion.  And this is the cause why they suppose Cato was the occasion, of the thirde and last warre the ROMAINES had against the CARTHAGINIANS. But now when the warre was begonne, Cato died, and before his death he prophecied, as a man would say, who it should be that should ende those warres.  And it was Scipio the second, who being a young man at that time, had charge only as a Colonell over a thousand footemen: but in all battells, and wheresoever there was warres, he shewed him selfe ever valliant and wise.  Insomuch as newes being brought thereof continually unto ROME, and Cato hearinge them, spake as they say, these two verses of Homer:  This only man right wise, reputed is to be, all other seeme but shadowes set, by such wise men as be.  Which prophecy, Scipio soone after confirmed true by his doinges.  Moreover, the issue Cato left behinde him, was a sonne he had by his seconde wife: who was called 

MARCUS CATO           <Plut3-205>

(as we sayd before) Cato SALONIAN, by reason of his mother, and a litle boy of his eldest sonne that died before.  This Cato SALONIAN died being Praetor, but he left a sonne behinde him that came to be Consull, and was grandfather unto Cato the Philosopher, one of the most vertuous men of his time.


NOW that we have sette downe in wrytinge, these notable and worthie things of memory: if we will conferre the life of the one, with the life of the other, perhappes the difference betwene the one and the other will not easily be discerned, seeinge there be so many similitudes and resemblances one of an other.  But if we come to compare them in every particularity, as we would doe Poets workes, or pictures drawen in tables: first, in this we shall finde them much a like, that having had nothing else to preferre and commende them, but their onely vertue and wisdom, they have bene both governors in their common wealth, and have thereby atchieved to great honor and estimacion.  But me thinkes when Aristides came to deale in matters of state, the common wealth and seigniory of ATHENS was then of no great power, and therefore it was easie for him to set him self in prease.  Besides, the other governors & captaines that were of his time, and competitors with him, were not very rich, nor of great authority.  For the taxe of the tichest persones then at ATHENS in revenue, was but at five hundred bushells of corne, and upwards, and therefore were such called Pentacosiomedimni. The se- 

<Plut3-206>            ARISTIDES & CATO

cond taxe was but at three bundred bushels, and they were called knights. The third and last was at two hundred bushells, and they called them Zeugitae. Where Marcus Cato comminge out of a litle village, from a rude contry life, went at the first dashe (as it were) to plunge him selfe into a bottomles sea of government in the common wealth of ROME: which was not ruled then by such governors and captaines, as Curius, Fabricius, and Ostilius were in old time.  For the people of ROME did no more bestow their offices upon such meane laboring men, as came but lately from the plough and the mattocke: but they woulde looke now apon the nobility of their houses, and upon their riches, that gave them most money, or sued earnestly to them for the offices. And by reason of their great power and authority, they woulde be waited upon, and sued unto, by those that sought to beare the honorable offices of the state and common wealth.  And it was no like match nor comparison, to havee Themistocles an adversary and competitor, being neither of noble house, nor greatly rich (for they say, that all the goodes his father left him, were not worth above foure or five hundred talentes, when he beganne to deale in state) in respect as to contende for the chiefest place of honor and authority against Scipio AFRICAN, Servilius Galba, or Quintius Flaminius, having no other maintenance, not helpe to trust unto, but a tongue speaking boldly with reason and all uprighmest.  Moreover, Aristides at the battells of MARATHON, & of PLATEES, was but one of the tenne captaines of the ATHENIANS: where Cato was chosen one of the two Consuls among many other noble and great competitors, and one of the two Censors, before seven other that made sute for it, which were all men of great reputacion in the citie, and yet was Cato preferred before them all.  Furthermore, Aristides was never the chiefest in any victory.  For at the 

ARISTIDES & CATO           <Plut3-207>

battell of MARATHON, Miltiades was the generall: and at the battell of SALAMINA, Themistocles: and at the jorney of PLATAEES, king Pausanias, as Herodotus sayeth, who wryteth that he had a marvelous victory there. And there were that strived with Aristides for the second Place, as Sophanes, Amynias, Callimachus, and Cynegirus, every one of the which did notable valliant service at those battells.  Now Cato was generall him selfe, & chiefe of all his army in worthines and counsell, during the warre he made in SPAYNE, while he was Consull.  Afterwards also in the jorney where king Antiochus was overthrowen in the contry of THERMOPYLES, Cato being but a Colonell of a thousands footemen, and servinge under an other that was Consull, wanne the honor of the victory, when he did sodainely set upon Antiochus behinde, whereas he looked only to defend him selfe before.  And that victory, without all doubt was one of the chiefest actes that ever Cato did, who drove ASIA out of GREECE, & opened the way unto Lucius Scipio to passe afterwardes into ASIA.  So then for the warres, neither the one nor the other of them was ever overcome in battell: but in peace and civill government, Aristides was supplanted by Themistocles, who by practise got him to be banished ATHENS for a time.  Whereas Cato had in manner all the greatest and nobleft men of ROME that were in his time, sworne enemies unto him: and having alwayes contended with them even to his last hower, he ever kept him selfe on sounde grounde, like a stoute champion, & never tooke fall nor foyle.  For he having accused many before the people, and many also accusing him: himselfe was never once condemned, but alwayes his tongue was the buckeler & defence of his life and innocency.  Which was to him so necessary a weapon, and with it he could help himselfe so in great matters, that (in my opinion) it was only cause why he never received dishonor, nor 

<Plut3-208>            ARISTIDES & CATO

was unjustly condemned: rather then for any thing else he was beholding to fortune, or to any other that did protect him.  And truely, eloquence is a singular gift, as Antipater witnesseth, in that he wrote of Aristotle the Philosopher after his death: saying, that amongest many other singular graces and perfeefions in him, he had this rare gift, that he coulde perswade what he listed.  Now there is a rule confessed of all the world, that no man can attaine any greater vertue or knowledge, then to know how to governe a multitude of men, or a city: a parte wherof is Oeconomia, commonly called houserule, considering that a city is no other, then an assembly of many householdes and houses together, and then is the city commonly strong and of power, when as the townes men and citizens are wise and wealthy.  Therefore Lycurgus that banished golde and silver from LACEDAEMON, and coyned them money of iron, that woulde be marred with fyre and vinegre when it was hot, did not forbid his citizens to be good husbands: but like a good lawmaker, exceeding all other that ever went before him, he did not onely cut of all superfluous expences that commonly wayte uppon riches, but did also provide that his people should lacke nothing necessary to live withall, fearing more to see a begger and nedy persone dwellinge in his citie, & enjoy the priviledges of the same, then a proude man by reason of his riches. So me thinkes, Cato was as good a father to his householde, as he was a good governor to the commonwealth: for he did honestly increase his goodes, and did teach other also to do the same, by saving, and knowledge of good husbandry, whereof, in his booke he wrote sundry good rules and precepts. Aristides contrariwise, made justice odious and slaunderous by his poverty, and as a thing that made men poore, and was more profitable to other, then to a mans selfe that used justice.  And yet Hesiodus the Poet, that 

ARISTIDES & CATO           <Plut3-209>

commendeth justice so much, doth wishe us withall to be good husbandes, reproving sloth and idleness as the roote and originah of all injustice. And therefore me thinkes Homer spake wisely when he sayed.

In times past, neither did I labor, carcke nor care
for business, for family, for food, nor yet for fare:
but rather did delight, with shippes the seaes to saile,
to drawe a bow, to fling a dart in warres and to prevaile.
As giving us to understand, that justicc and husbandry are two relatives, and necessarily lincked one to the other: and that a man who hath no care of his owne thinges, nor house, doth live unjustly, and taketh from other men.  For justice is not like oyle, which Phisitions say is very holsome for mannes body, if it be applied outwardly: and in contrary maner very ill, if a man drinke it: neither ought a just man to profitte straungers, and in the ende not to care for him selfe nor his.  Therefore, me thinkes this governinge vertue of Aristides had a fault in this respect, if it be true that most authors wryte of him: that he had no care nor forecast with him to leave so much, as to mary his daughters withall, nor therewith to bury him selfe.  Where those of the house of Cato, continued Praetors and Consulls of ROME, even unto the fourthe discent.  For his sonnes sonnes, and yet lower, his sonnes sonnes sonnes came to the greatest offices of dignity in all ROME.  And Aristides, who was in his time the chiefest man of GREECE, left his posterity in so great poverty, that some were compelled to become Soothsayers (that interprete dreames, and tell mens fortune) to get their living, and other to aske almes: and left no meane to any of them, to do any great thing worthy of him.  But to contrary this, it might be sayd, poverty of it selfe is neither ill nor dishonest: but where it groweth by idleness carelesse life, vanity, and folly, it is to be re- 
<Plut3-210>            ARISTIDES & CATO

proved.  For when it lighteth apon any man that is honest, and liveth well, that taketh paines, is very diligent, just, valliant, wise, and governeth a common wealth well: then it is a great signe of a noble minde.  For it is unpossible that man should doe any great thinges, that had such a base minde, as to thinke alwayes uppon trifles: and that he shoulde relieve the poore greatly, that lacketh him selfe reliefe in many thinges.  And sure, riches is not so necessary for an honest man that will deale truely in the common wealth, and government, as is sufficiency: which beinge a contentacion in it selfe, and desirous of no superfluous thing, it never withdraweth a man from following his businesse in the common wealth, that enjoyeth the same.  For God is he alone, who simply and absolutely hath no neede of any thinge at all: wherefore the chiefest vertue that can be in man, and that commeth nearest unto God, ought to be esteemed that, which maketh man to have neede of least thinges.  For like as a lusty body, and well complexioned, hath no neede of superfluous fare and curious apparell: even so a cleane life, and sounde house, is kept with a litle charge, and so shoulde the goodes also be proportioned accordinge to use and necessity. For he that gathereth much, and spendeth litle, hath never enough.  But admit he hath no desire to spend much, then he is a foole to travell to get more then he needeth: and if he do desire it, and dare not for niggardlines spende parte of that he laboreth for, then is he miserable.  Now woulde I aske Cato with a goodwill, if riches be made but to use them, why do you boast then you have gotten much together, when a litle doth suffice you? and if it be a commendable thing (as in troth it is) to be contented with the breade you finde, to drinke of the same tappe workemen and laborers do, not to care for purple dyed gownes, nor for houses with plastered walles: it followeth then that neither Aristides, 

ARISTIDES & CATO           <Plut3-211>

nor Epaminondas, nor Manius Curius, nor Caius Fabricius, have forgotten any parte of their dueties, when they cared not for gettinge of that which they would not use nor occupy.  For it was to no purpose for a man that esteemed rootes and parsenipes to be one of the best dishes in the worlde, and that did seeth them him selfe in his chimney, whiles his wife did bake his bread, to talke so much of an Asse, and to take paines to wryte by what arte and industry a man might quickely enrich him selfe.  For it is true, that sufficiency, and to be contented with a litle, is a good and commendable thinge: but it is bicause it taketh from us all desire of unnecessary thinges, and maketh us not to passe for them.  And therefore we finde that Aristides sayd, when riche Callias case was pleaded, that such as were poore against their willes, ought wel be ashamed of their poverty: but such as were willingly poore, had good cause, and might justly rejoyce at it.  For it were a mad parte to thinke that Aristides poverty proceeded of a base minde & slothfulness since he might quickely have made him selfe rich without any dishonesty at all, by taking only the spoyle of some one of the barbarous people whome he had overcome, or any one of their tentes.  But enough for this matter.  Furthermore, touching the victories and battells Cato had wonne, they did in maner litle helpe to increase the Empire of ROME: for it was already so great, as it could almost be no greater.  But Aristides victories are the greatest conquestes and nobleft actes that the GREECIANs ever did in any warres: as the jorney of MARARHON, the battell of SALAMINA, and the battell of PLATEES.  And yet there is no reason to compare king Antiochus with king Xerxes, nor the walles of the Citie of SPAYNE which Cato overthrewe and rased, unto so many thousands of barbarous people which were then overthrowen and put to the sword by the GREECIANS, as well by lande, as by sea.  In all which

<Plut3-212>            ARISTIDES & CATO

services, Aristides was the chiefest before all other, as touching his valliantnes in fighting: notwithstanding, he gave other the glory of it, that desired it more then him selfe, as he did easily also leave the gold and silver unto those, that had more neede of it then him selfe.  Wherein he shewed him selfe of a nobler minde, then all they did.  Furthermore, for my parte, I will not reprove Catoes manner, to commende and extoll him selfe so highly above all other, since he him selfe sayth in an oration he made, that to praise himself is as much folly, as also to dispraise himselfe: but this I thinke, his vertue is more perfect, that desireth other should not praise him, then he that commonly doth use to praise him selfe.  For, not to be ambitious, is a great shew of humanity, and necessary for him that will live amongest men of government: and even so, ambition is hatefull, and procureth great envy unto him, that is infested withall. of the which Aristides was cleare, and Cato farre gone in it.  For Aristides did help Themistocles his chiefest enemie, in all his nobleft actes, and did serve him (as a man would say) like a private souldier that garded his persone, when Themistocles was generall, beinge the onely instrument and meane of his glory: which was in deede the onely cause that the city of ATHENS was saved, and restored againe to her former good state.  Cato contrariwise, crossing Scipio in all his enterprises, thought to binde this voyage and jorney unto CARTHAGE in the which he overcame Hannibal, who untill that time was ever invincible: and so in the ende, continuing him still in jealouzy with the state, and ever accusinge of him, he never left him, till he had driven him out of the city, and caused his brother Lucius Scipio to be shamefully condemned for theft, and ill behaviour in his charge.  Furthermore, for temperaunce and modesty, which Cato did ever commende so highly:  Ariflides truely kept them most sincerely.  But 

ARISTIDES & CATO           <Plut3-213>

Catoes seconde wife, who maried a maide, (that was neither fit for his dignity and calling, nor agreeable for his age) made him to be thought a lecherous man, and not without manifest cause.  For he can not be excused with honesty, that beinge a man past mariage, brought his sonne that was maried, and his fayer daughter in lawe, a steppe mother into his house, and but a clearkes daughter, whose father did wryte for money, for any man that woulde hyer him.  Take it Cato maried her to satisfie his lust, or else for spite to be revenged of his sonne, bicause his sonne coulde not abide his younge filth he had before: either of these turneth still to his shame, as wel the effect, as also the cause.  Againe, the excuse he made to his sonne why he maried, was also a lye.  For if he had grounded his desire in deede, to have gotten other children, as he sayd, that might be as honest men as his eldest sonne: then surely he had done well after the death of his firft wife, if he had sought him an other wife soone after, that had bene of an honest house, and not to have lien with a young harlatry filth, til his sonne had spied him, and then when he saw it was knowen, to goe and mary her, and to make alliance with him, not bicause it was honorable for him to do it, but was easiest to be obtained.

The ende of Marcus Catoes life the Censor


The Life of Philopoemen+

IN the city of MANTINEA, there was a citizen in old time called Cassander, one that was as nobly borne and of as great authoritie in government there, as any man of his time whatsoever.  Notwithstanding, fortune frowned on him in the ende, insomuch as he was driven out of his contry, and went to lye in the City of MEGALOPOLIS, only for the love he bare unto Crausis, Philopoemenes father, a rare man, and nobly geven in all thinges, and one that loved him also very well.  Now so longe as Crausis lived, Cassander was so well used at his handes, that he could lacke nothing: and when he was departed this worlde, Cassander, to requite the love Crausis bare him in his life time, tooke his sonne into his charge, being an orphane, and taught him, as Homer sayd Achilles was brought up by the olde Phoenix. So this childe Philo

PHILOPOEMEN                      <Plut3-215>

poemen grewe to have noble conditions, and increased alwayes from good to better.  Afterwardes, when he came to grow to mans state, Ecdemus and Demophanes, both MEGALIPOLITANS, tooke him into their government.  They were two Philosophers that had bene hearers of Arcesilaus, in the schoole of Academia, and afterwardes employed all the Philosophy they had learned, apon the governing of the common wealth, and dealing in matters of state, as much or more, then any other men of their time.  For they delivered their city from the tyranny of Aristodemus, who kept it in subjection, by corruptinge those that killed him.  And they did helpe Aratus also to drive the tyrant Niocles, out of SICYONE.  At the request of the CYRENIANS, that were troubled with civil dissention and factions among them, they went unto CYRENA, where they did reforme the state of the common wealth, and stablished good lawes for them.  But for them selves, they reckened the education and bringing up of Philopoemen, the chiefest acte that ever they did: judging that they had procured an universall good unto alI GREECE, to bring up a man of so noble a nature, in the rules and precepts of Philosophy.  And to say truely, GRECE did love him passingly well, as the last valliant man she brought foorth in her age, after so many great and famous auncient Captaines: and did alwayes increase his power and authority, as his glory did also rise. Whereuppon there was a ROMAINE, who to praise him the more, called him the last of the GREECIANS: meaninge, that after him, GREECE never brought foorth any worthy persone, deservinge the name of a GREECIAN.  And now concerninge his persone, he had no ill face, as many suppose he had: for his whole image is yet to be seene in the city of DELPHES, excellently well done, as if he were alive.  And for that they reporte of his hostesse in the city of MEGARA, who tooke him for a serving man: that was 

<Plut3-216>            PHILOPOEMEN

by reason of his curtesie, not standing uppon his reputacion, and bicause he went plainely+ besides.  For she understanding that the Generall of the ACHAIANS came to Inne there all night, she besturred her, and was very busie preparinge for his supper, her husband paradventure being from home at that time: & in the meane season came Philopoemen into the Inne, with a poore cloke on his backe.  The simple woman seeinge him no better apparelled, tooke him for one of his men that came before to provide his lodging, and so prayed him to lende her his hande in the kitchin.  He straight cast of his cloke, and beganne to fall to hewe wodde.  So, as Philopomen was busie about it, in commeth her husbande, and findinge him rivinge of wodde: ha ha ha, sayd he, my Lorde Philopoemen, why what meaneth this? Truely nothing else, sayd he in his DORICAN tongue, but that I am punished, bicause I am neither fayer boy, nor goodly man.  It is true that Titus Quintius Flaminius sayed one day unto him, seeminge to mocke him for his personage: O Philopoemen, thou hast fayer handes, and good legges, but thou hast no belly, for he was fine in the waste, and small bodied.  Notwithstandinge, I take it this jeastinge tended rather to the proportion of his army, then of his body: bicause he had both good horsemen, and footemen, but he was often without money to pay them.  These geastes, schollers have taken uppe in schooles, of Philopoemen.  But now to discend to his nature and conditions: it seemeth that the ambition and desire he had to winne honor in his doinges, was not without some heate and wilfullnes.  For bicause he would altogether follow Epaminondas steppes, he shewed his hardines to enterprise any thing, his wisedome to execute all great matters, and his integrity+ also, in that no money could corrupt him: but in civill matters and controversies, he coulde hardly otherwhiles keepe himselfe within the bondes of modesty, 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-217>

pacience, and curtesie, but woulde often burft out into choller, and wilfulnes.  Wherfore it seemeth, that he wa a better Captaine for warres, then a wise governor for peace.  And in deede, even from his youth he ever loved souldiers, and armes, and delited marvelously in all martiall exercises: as in handling of his weapon well, riding of horses gallantly, and in vawting nimbly.  And bicause he seemed to have a naturall gift in wresfflnge, certaine of his frendes, & such as were carefull of him, did wishe him to geve him selfe most unto that exercise.  Then he asked them if their life that made such profession woulde be no hinderaunce to their martiall exercises. Aunswere was made him againe, that the disposition of the persone, and manner of life that wrestlers used, and such as followed like exercises, was altogether contrary to the life and discipline of a souldier, and specially touching life and limbe.  For wrestlers studied altogether to keepe them selves in good plight, by much sleeping, eating, and drinking, by laboring, and taking their ease at certaine howers, by not missinge a jotte of their exercises: and besides, were in hazard to loose the force & strength of their body, if they did surfit never so litle, or passed their ordinary course and rule of diet.  Where souldiers contrariwise are used to all chaunge, and diversitie of life, and specially be taught from their youth, to away with all hardnesse, and scarsity, and to watche in the night without sleepe. Philopoemen hearing this, did not onely forsake those exercises, and scorned them, but afterwardes beinge Generall of an army, he sought by all infamous meanes he coulde to put downe all wrestling, and such kinde of exercise, which made mennes bodies unmeete to take paines, and to become souldiers for to fight in defence of their contry, that otherwise would have bene very able and handsome for the same.  When he first left his booke and schoolemasters, and be- 

<Plut3-218>            PHILOPOEMEN

ganne to weare armor in invasions the MANTINEIANS used to make uppon the LACEDAEMONIANS, to get some spoyle on a sodaine, or to destroy a parte of their contry:  Philopoemen then would ever be the formost to go out, and the hindermost to come in.  When he had leasure, he used much hunting in time of peace, all to acquainte his body with toyle and travell, or else he would be digging of his groundes.  For he had a fayre mannor, not passinge twenty furlonges out of the city, whether he would walke connnonly after dinner or supper: and then when night came that it was bed time, he would lye upon some ill favored mattresses as the meanest laborer he had, and in the morninge by breake of the day, he went out either with his vine men to labor in his vineyard, or else with his plough {PlainDealer+} men to follow the plough, and somtimes returned againe to the city, and followed matters of the common wealth, with his frendes and other officers of the same.  Whatsoever he could spare and get in the warres, he spent it in buying of goodly horscs, in makinge of fayer armors, or payinge his poore contry mens ransome, that were taken prisoners in the warres: but for his goodes and revenue, he sought onely to increase them, by the profit of tillage, which he esteemed the justest and best way of getting of goodes. For he did not trifle therein, but employed his whole care and study apon it, as one that thought it fit for every noble man and gentleman, so to travaill, governe, and increase his owne, that he should have no occasion to covet or usurpe an other mannes.  He tooke no pleasure to heare all kinde of matters, nor to read all sortes of bookes of Philosophy: but those onely that would teache him most to become vertuous. {PlainDealer+} Neither did he much care to read Homers workes, savinge those places onely that stirred up mens hartes most unto valliantnes.  But of all other stories, he specially delited to read Evangelus bookes, which treated of 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-219>

the discipline of warres, how to set battells, and declared the actes and geastes of Alexander the great, sayinge: that men shoulde ever bringe his wordes unto deedes+, onlesse men would take them for vaine stories, and thinges spoken, but not to profit by.  For in his bookes of the feates of warre, and how battells shoulde be ordered, he was not onely contented to see them drawen and set out, in cartes and mappes: but would also put them in execution, in the places them selves as they were set out.  And therefore, when the army marched in order of battell in the fielde, he woulde consider and study with him selfe, the sodaine eventes and approches of the enemies, that might light upon them, when they comming downe to the valley, or going out of a plaine, were to passe a river or a ditche, or through some straight: also when he should spread out his army, or else gather it narrow: and this he did not only forecast by him selfe, but woulde also argue the same with the Captaines that were about him.  For Philopoemen doubtlesse was one of the odde men of the worlde, that most esteemed the discipline of warre, (and sometime peradventure more then he needed) as the most large field and most fratefull ground that valliantnes could be exercised in: so that he despised and contemned all that were no souldiers, as men good for nothing.  When he was come now to thirty yeares of age, Cleomerns kinge of LACEDAEMON, came one night upon the sodaine, and gave an assault to the City of MEGALIPOLIS, so lustely, that he drave backe the watche and got into the market place, and wanne it.  Philopoemen hearinge of it, ranne immediatly to the rescue.  Neverthelesse, though he fought very valliantly, and did like a noble souldier, yet he coulde not repulse the enemies, nor drive them out of the city.  But by this meanes he got his citizens leasure, and some time to get them out of the towne to save them selves, staying those that followed them: 

<Plut3-220>            PHILOPOEMEN

and made Cleomenes still waite upon him, so that in the end he had much a do to save him selfe being the last man, and very sore hurt, and his horse also slaine under him.  Shortely after, Cleomenes being advertised that the MEGALOPOLITANS were gotten into the city of MESSINA, sent unto them to let them understand, that he was ready to deliver them their city, lands, and goods againe.  But Philopoemen seeing his contrymen very glad of these newes, and that every man prepared to returne againe in hast: he stayd them with these perswasions, shewing them that Cleomenes devise was not to tedeliver them their city, but rather to take them together with their city: foreseeing well enough, that he could not continue long there, to keepe naked walles and empty houses, and that him selfe in the ende should be compelled to goe his way.  This perswasion stayed the MEGALOPOLITANS, but withall it gave Cleomenes occasion to burne & plucke downe a great parte of the city, and to cary away a great summe of money, and a great spoyle.  Afterwardes, when kinge Antigonus was come to aide the ACHAIANs against Cleomenes, and that Cleomenes kept on the toppe of the mountames of Sellasia, and kept all the passages and wayes unto them out of all those quarters: king Antigonus set his army in battel hard by him, determining to set upon him and to drive him thence if he could possibly.  Philopoemen was at that time amongest the horsemen with his citizens, who had the ILLYRIANS on the side of them, being a great number of footemen and excellent good souldiers, which did shut in the taile of all the army.  So they were commaunded to stand still, and to kepe their place, untill such time as they did shew them a redde coate of armes on the toppe of a pyke, from the other wing of the battell, where the king him selfe stoode in persone.  Notwithstanding this straight commaundement, the Captaines of the ILLYRIANS would a- 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-221>

bide no lenger, but went to see if they could force the LACEDAEMONIANS that kept on the top of the mountaines.  The ACHAIANS contrariwise, kept their place and order, as they were commaunded.  Euclidas, Cleomenes brother, perceiving thus their enemies footemen were severed from ther horsemen, sodainly sent the lightest armed souldiers and lustiest fellowes he had in his bands, to geve a charge upon the ILLYRIANs behinde, to prove if they coulde make them turne their faces on them, bicause they had no horsemen for their garde.  This was done, and these light armed men did marvelously trouble and disorder the ILLYRIANS.  Philopoemen perceivinge that, and considering howe these light armed men would be easily broken and driven backe, since occasion selfe inforced them to it: he went to tell the kings Captaines of it, that led his men of armes.  But when he saw he could not make them understand it, and that they made no reckoning of his reasons, but tooke him of no skill, bicause he had not yet attained any credit or estimacion to be judged a man, that could invent or execute any stratageame of warre: he went thither him selfe, & tooke his citizens with him.  And at his first comming, he so troubled these light armed men, that he made them flie, and slue a number of them.  Moreover, to encorage the better king Antigonus men, and to make them geve a lusty charge uppon the enemies whileft they were thus troubled and out of order: he left his horse, and marched a foote up hill and downe hill, in rough and stonywayes, full of springs and quauemyres, being heavely armed at all peeces as a man at armes, and fightinge in this sorte very painefully and uneasily, he had both his thighes past through with a dart, havinge a leather thonge on the middest of it. And though the blow did not take much holde of the fleshe, yet was it a stronge blow, for it pearced both thighes through an 

<Plut3-222>            PHILOPOEMEN

through, that the iron was seene on thother side.  Then was he so combered with this blow, as if he had bene shackled with irons on his feete, and knew not what to doe: for the leather fastened in the niiddest of the darte, did greve him marvelously, when they thought to have pulled the darte out of the place where it entred in, so as never a man about him durst set his handes to it.  Philopoemen on the other side, seeing the fight terrible on either side, and would soone be ended: it spited him to the guttes, he would so faine have bene among them.  So at the length he made such struggling, putting backe one thigh, and setting forward an other, that he knapped the staffe of the darte a sunder, & made them pull out the two troncheons, the one on this side, & the other on the other side.  Then when he saw he was at liberty againe, he tooke his sword in his hande, and ranne through the middest of them that fought, unto the foremost ranckes, to meete with the enemy: so that he gave his men a newe corage, and did set them on fyte with envy, to followe his valliantnesse.  After the battell was wonne, Antigonus asked the MACEDONIAN Captaines, to prove them: who moved the horsemen to devide them selves, and give the charge, before the signe that was commaunded. They aunswered him, that they were forced to doe it against their willes, bicause a young MEGALOPOLITAN gentleman gave a charge with his company, before the signe was given.  Then Antigonus laughing told them: the young gentleman played the parte of a wise and valliant Captaine.  This exployte, together with Antigonus testimony, gave great reputacion unto Philopoemen as we may easily imagine.  So king Antigonus marvelously entreated him he would serve with him, and offered him a bande of men at armes, and great entertainement, if he would go with him.  But Philopoemen refused his offer, and chiefly, bicause he knew his owne nature, that he could 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-223>

hardly abide to be commaunded by any.  Notwithstandinge, bicause he could not be idle, he tooke sea, and went into CRETA, where he knewe there were warres, onely to continue him selfe in exercise thereof.  So when he had served a longe time with the CRETANS, which were valliant souldiers, and very expert in all policies & feates of warre, and moreover were men of a moderate and spare dyet, he returned home againe to ACHAIA, with so great credit and reputacion of every one, that he was presently chosen Generall of all the horsemen.  So when he entred into his charge, he founde many horsemen very ill horsed, upon litle jades, such as might be gotten cheapest, and how they used not to goe them selves in persone to the warres, but did sende other in their steade: & to be shorte, how they neither had hartes, nor experience of the warres, and all bicause the Generalls and Captaines of the people of the ACHAIANS that served before him, did take no heede to those matters, as fearinge to offende any, bicause they had the greatest authority in their handes, to punish or reward whom they thought good.  Philopoemen fearinge none of all these thinges, would leave no parte of his charge and duety undone, but went him selfe in persone to all the cities, to perswade and encorage the young gentlemen, to be well horsed, and well armed, that they might winne honor in the fielde, be able to defende them selves, & overthrow their enemies.  And where perswasion could doe no good, there he would set fynes upon their heades that so refused, and did use to muster them oft, and did acquainte them with tilting, turning, & barriers, & one to fight with an other, & at such times & places specially, as he knew there would be multitudes of people to give them the lookinge on: that in shorte space he made them very forwarde, proper, & ready horsemen whose chiefest property is, to keepe their order & ranckes in the battell.  So 

<Plut3-224>            PHILOPOEMEN

as when necessitie served for the whole company of horsemen to turne together, halfe turne, or whole turne, or else every man by him selfe: they were so throughly trained in it, that all the whole troupe set in battell ray, did seeme as it were to be but one body, they removed so together, and withall so easily, and at all times, and so oft, as turne they woulde on the one side, or on the other.  Now in a great battell the ACHAIANs had with the AETOLIANS and the ELIANS, by the river of Larissus:  Demophantus, Generall of the horsemen of the AETOLIANS, came from his company to fight with Philopoemen, who also made towardes him, and gave him first such a blow with his speare, that he strake him starke deade.  When Demophantus fell to the grounde, his souldiers fled by and by upon it.  This wanne Philopoemen great honor, who gave no place to the youngest men in fighting most valliantly with his owne handes: nor to the oldest men in wisedome, for the wise leading of his army.  In deede the first man that made the people of ACHAIA grow in power and greatness was Aratus: for before his time ACHAIA was of small reckeninge, bicause the cities of the same stoode devided betwene them selves, and Aratus was the first manne that made them joyne together, and stablished amonge them an honest civill government.  Whereby it happened, that as we see in brookes and rivers where any litle thinge stoppeth and falleth to the bottome, which the course of the water bringeth downe the streame, there the rest that followeth doth use to stay, and goe no further: even so in the cities of GREECE that were in harde state, and sore weakened, by faction one against an other, the ACHAIANS were the first that stayed themselves, and grewe in amity one with the other, and afterwardes drewe on the reft of the cities into league with them, as good neighbours and confederats.  Some by helpinge and deliveringe them from the 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-225>

oppression of tyrans, and winninge other also by their peaceable government and good concorde: they had a meaninge in this wise, to bringe all the contrie of PELOPONNESUS into one body and league.  Neverthelesse, while Aratus lived they depended most apon the strength and power of the MACEDONIANS: first with stickinge unto king Ptolomie, and then unto Antigonus, and last to Philip, who ruled in manner all the state of GREECE.  But when Philopoemen came to governe, and to be the chiefest man, the ACHAIANs beinge stronge enough to resist the strongest, woulde marche then no more under any other bodies ensigne, nor woulde suffer any more straunge governors or Captaines over them.  For Aratus (as it seemed) was somewhat to softe and colde for the warres, and therefore the most thinges he did, were by gentle intreaties by intelligences & by the kinges frendshippes with whome great, as we have at large declared in his life.  But Pilopoemen beinge a manne of execution, hardy and valliant of persone, and of very good fortune, in the first battell that he ever made, did marvelously encrease the corage and hartes of the ACHAIANS: bicause under his charge they ever foiled their enemies, and alwayes hadde the upper hande over them.  The first thinge Philopoemen beganne withall at his comming, he chaunged the manner of settinge of their tables, and their facion of arminge them selves.  For before they carried litle light targettes, which bicause they were thinne and narrowe, did not cover halfe their bodies, and used speares farre shorter then pykes, by reason whereof they were very light, and good to skirmishe and fight a farre of: but when they came to joyne battell, their enemies then hadde great vantage of them.  As for the order of their battelles, they knewe not what it ment, nor to cast them selves into a snaill or ringe, but onely used the square battell, nor yet gave it any such fronte where the 

<Plut3-226>            PHILOPOEMEN

pykes of many ranckes might pushe together, & where the souldiers might stande so close, that their targettes should touch one an other, as they do in the squadron of the battell of the MACEDONIANS: by reason whereof, they were soone broken, and overthrowen.  Philopoemen reformed all this, perswading them to use the pyke and shielde, in steade of their litle target, speare, or borestaffe, and to put good morryans or burganettes on their heades, corselettes on their bodies, and good tasses and greaves to cover their thighes & legges, that they might fight it out manfully, not gevinge a foote of grounde, as light armed men that runne to and fro in a skirmishe.  And thus havinge perswaded and taught the younge men to arme them selves throughlie, first he made them the bolder and more coragious to fight, as if they had bene menne that coulde not have bene overcome: then he turned all their vaine superfluous charge, into necessarie & honest expences.  But he could not possibly bring them altogether from their vaine and riche apparell, they had of long time taken up, the one to exceede an other: nor from their sumptuous furniture of houses, as in beddes, hanginges, curious service at the table, & delicate kinde of dishes.  But to beginne to withdrawe this desire in them which they hadde, to be fine and delicate, in all superfluous & unnecessarie things, & to like of thinges necessarie, and profitable: he wished them to looke more nerely to their ordinarie charge about them selves, takinge order as well for their apparell, as also for their diet, and to spare in them, to come honorablie armed to the fielde, for defence of their contrie.  Thereuppon, if you had looked into the goldessmithes shoppes, ye should have seene nothinge else in their handes, but breakinge and batteringe of pottes of golde and silver, to be cast and molton downe againe, and then gildinge of armors and targettes, and silvering of bittes.  In the showe places 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-227>

for the runninge of horses, there was mannedging and breakinge of younge horses, and younge men exercising armes.  Womens handes also were full of morryans and heade peeces, whereto they tyed goodly brave plumes of feathers of sundry colours, and were also full of imbrodered arminge coates and cassockes, with curious and very riche workes.  The sight of which braverie did heave uppe their hartes, and made them gallant and lively: so as envy bred straight in them who s@houlde doe best service, & no way spare for the warres.  In deede, sumptuousnesse and braverie in other sightes, doth secretely cary mens mindes away, and allure them to seeke after vanities, which makes them tender bodied, & womanishe+ persones: bicause this sweete ticklinge, and intisinge of the outwarde sence that is delighted therewith, doth straight melt and soften the strength and corage of the minde.  But againe, the sumptuous cost bestowed apon warlike furniture, doth incorage and make great a noble harte.  Even as Homer sayeth it Aid Achilles, when his mother brought him newe armor and weapons, she hadde ,caused Vulcan to make for him, and layed them at his feete: who seeinge them, coulde not tarie, but was straight sette on fyre with desire to occupie them.  So when Philopoemen hadde brought the youth of ACHAIA to this good passe, to come thus bravely armed and furnished into the fielde, he beganne then to exercise them continuallie in armes: wherein they did not onely shewe them selves obedient to him, but did moreover strive one to excell an other, and to doe better then their fellowes.  For they liked marvelous well the orderinge of the battell he hadde taught them, bicause that stan dinge so close together as they did, they thought surely they coulde hardly be overthrowen.  Thus by continuaunce of time, beinge muche used to weare their armor, they founde them a great deale easier & lighter then before, besides the pleas- 

<Plut3-228>            PHILOPOEMEN

ure they tooke to see their armor so brave, and so riche: insomuch as they longed for some occasion to trye them straight uppon theire nemies. Now the ACHAIANS at that time were at warres with Machanidas, the tyranne of LACEDAEMON, who sought by all devise he coulde with a great armie, to become chiefe Lorde of all the PELOPONESIANS.  When newes was brought that Machanidas was come into the contrie of the MANTINIANS, Philopoemen straight marched towardes him with his army: so they mett bothe not farre from the citie of MANTINEA, where by and by they put them selves in order of battell. They both hadde entertayned in paye a great number of straungers to serve them, besides the whole force of their contrie: and when they came to joyne battell, Machanidas with his straungers gave such a lustie charge uppon certaine slinges and archers being the forlorne_hope+ whome Philopoemen had cast of before the battell of the ACHAIANS to beginne the skirmishe, that he overthrew them, and made them flie withal.  But where he should have gone on directly against the ACHAIANS that were ranged in battell ray, to have proved if he could have broken them: he was very busie, and earnest still, to follow the chase of them that first fled, and so came hard by the ACHAIANS that stoode still in their battel, & kept their ranckes.  This great overthtrow fortuning at the beginning, many men thought the ACHAIANS were but cast away.  But Philopoemen made as though it had bene nothinge, and that he set light by it, and spying the great fault his enemies made, following the forlorne hope on the spurre, whom they had overthrowen, and straying so farre from the battell of their footemen, whome they had left naked, and the field open apon them: he did not make towardes them to stay them nor did strive to stop them that they should not follow those that fled, but suffered them to take their course.  And when he saw 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-229>

that they were gone a good way from their footemen, he made his men marche apon the LACEDMONIANS, whose sides were naked, having no horsemen to gard them: and so did set upon them on the one side, and ranne so hastely on them to winne one of their flancks, that he made them flie, and slue withall a great number of them.  For it is said, there were four thousand LACEDAEMONIANS slaine in the field, bicause they had no man to leade them: and moreover, they say they did not looke to fight but supposed rather they had wonne the fielde, when they saw Machanidas chasings still those upon the spurre whom he had overthrowen.  After this, Philopoemen retyred to mete Machanidas, who came backe from the chase with his straungers. But by chaunce there was a great broade ditch betwene them, so as both of them rode upon the banckes sides of the same, a great while together, one against an other of them: thone side seking some convenient place to get over and flie, and the other side seking meanes to kepe them from starting away.  So, to see the one before the other in this sorte, it appeared as they had bene wild beastes brought to an extreamity, to defend them selves by force, from so fierce a hunter as Philopoemen was.  But whilest they were striving thus, the tyrans horse that was lusty and coragious, and felt the force of his masters spurres pricking in his sides, that the blood followed after, did venter to leape the ditche, comminge to the banckes side, stoode apon his hindemost legges, and advaunced forward with his foremost feete, to reach to the other side.  Then Simmias and Polyaenus, who were about Philopoemen when he fought, ran thither straight to kepe him with their bore staves that he should not leape the ditche.  But Philopoemen who was there before them, perceiving that the tyrans horse by lifting up his head so high, did cover all his maisters body: forsooke by and by his horse, and tooke his speare 

<Plut3-230>            PHILOPOEMEN

in both his hands, and thrust at the tyran with so good a will, that he slue him in the ditch.  In memory whereof, the ACHAIANS that did highly esteeme this valliant acte of his, and his wisedome also in leadinge of the battell: did set up his image in brasse, in the temple of Apollo in DELPHES, in the forme he slue the tyran.  They say, that at the assembly of the common games called Nemea, (which they solemnise in honor of Hercules, not farre from the citie of ARGOS) & not long after he had wonne this battell of MANTINEA, being made Generall the seconde time of the tribe of the ACHAIANS, and beinge at good leasure also by reason of the feast: he first shewed the GREECIANS that were come thither to see the games and pastimes, his army raunging in order of battell, and made them see how easily they removed their places every way as necessity & occasion of fight required, without troublinge or confoundinge their ranckes, and that with a marvelous force and redines.  When he had done this, he went into the Theater to heare the musitians play, & sing to their instrumentes who should winne the best game, being accompanied with lusty young gentlemen apparelled in purple clokes, and in skarlet coates and cassockes they ware apon their armor, being all in the flower of their youth, and well given and disposed: who did greatly honor and reverence their Captaine, and besides that, shewed themselves inwardly of noble hartes, being incoraged by many notable battells they bad fought, in which they had ever attained the victory, and gotten the upper hand of their enemies.  And by chaunce, as they were entred into the Theater, Pylades the musitian, singinge certaine poemes of Timotheus, called the Perses, fell into these verses.  O Greekes, it is even he, which your prosperity Hath given to you: and therewithall a noble liberty. 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-231>

When he had sweetely song out alowde these noble verses, passingly well made: the whole assembly of the GREECIANS in the Theater, that were gathered thither to see the games, cast all their eyes straight upon Philopoemen, and clapped their handes one to an other for joy, bicause of the great hope they had in him, that through him they shoulde soone recover their auncient reputacion, and so imagined they possessed already the noble and worthy mindes of their auncesters.  And as younge horse that doe alwayes looke to be ridden by their ordinarie riders, if any straunger get up on their backes, do straight waxe straunge to be handeled, and make great a do: even so, when the ACHAIANS came to any daungerous battell, their hartes were even done, if they had any other Generall or leader then Philopoemen, on whom still they depended and looked.  And when they sawe him ever, the whole army rejoyced, and desired straight to be at it, they had such confidence in his valliantnesse and good fortune: and truely not without cause.  For of all men, their enemies did feare him most, and durst not stande before him: bicause they were afrayed to heare his name only, as it seemed by their doings.  For Philip kinge of MACEDON, imagining that if he could finde meanes to dispatche Philopoemen out of the way, howsoever it were, the ACHAIANS would straight take parte againe with him: sent men secretly into the city of ARGOS, to kill him by treason.  Howbeit the practise was discovered, and the king ever after was mortally hated of all the GREECIANS generally, and taken for a cowardly and wicked Prince.  It fortuned one day when the BOEOTIANS layed siege to the city of MEGARA, and thought certainly to have wonne it at the first assault: there rose a rumor sodainely amongest them, that Philopoemen came to aide the city, and was not farre from it with his army.  But it was a false reporte.  Notwithstan- 

<Plut3-232>            PHILOPOEMEN

dinge, the BOEOTIANS were so scared, that for feare they left their scaling ladders behinde them, which they had set against the walls to have scaled the towne, and fled straight to save them selves.  An other time, when Nabis the tyran of LACEDAEMON, that succeeded Machanidas, had taken the City of MESSINA uppon the sodaine:  Philopoemen being then a private man, and havinge no charge of souldiers, went unto Lysippus, General of the ACHAIANS that yere, to perswade him that he would send present aide unto them of MESSINA.  Lysippus told him, it was to late now to goe thither, and that it was but a lost towne, not to be holpen: considering the enemies were in it already.  Philopoemen perceivmg he could not procure him to go, went thither him selfe with the force of MESSINA only, not staying for the assembly of the MEGALOPOLITANS, that were in counsell about it, to give him commission by voyces of the people to take them with him: but they willingly followed him, as if he had bene their continuall Generall, and the man that by nature was worthiest of all other to commaunde them. Now when he came neere unto MESSINA, Nabis hearinge of his comminge, durst not tary him, though he had his army within the city, but stale out at an other gate, and marched away in all the hast he could, thinking him selfe a happy man and he could so escape his handes, and retyre with safety, as in dede he did.  And thus was MESSINA, by this meanes, delivered from captivity.  All that we have written hitherto concerning Philopoemen, falleth out doutlesse to his great honor and glory: but afterwardes he was greatly dispraised for a jorney he made into CRETA, at the request of the GORTYNIANS, who sent to pray him to be their Captaine, being sore troubled with warres at that time.  Bicause Philopoemen went then to serve the GORTYNIANS, when the tyranne Nabis had greatest warres 

PHILOPOEMON           <Plut3-233>

with the MEGALOPOLITANS, in their owne contry: they laid it to his charge, either that he did it to flie the warres, or else that he sought honor out of season with foreine nations, when his poore citizens the MEGALOPOLITANS were in such distresse, that their contry being lost and destroyed, they were driven to keepe them within their city, and to sow all their voide groundes and streetes in the same with corne, to susteine them withall, when their enemies were encamped almost hard at their towne gates.  And the rather, bicause him selfe making warres with the CRETANS, and serving straungers beyonde the sea in the meane time, gave his enemyes occasion to slaunder him that he fled, that he would not tary to fight for defence of his contry.  Againe, there were that sayd, bicause the ACHAIANs did choose other for their Generall, that he being a private man and without charge, was the rather contented to be Generall of the GORTYNIANS, who had marvelously entreated him to take the charge: for he was a man that coulde not abide to live idely, and that desired specially above all things to serve continually in the warres, and to put in practise his skil and discipline in the leading of an army.  The wordes he spake one day of king Ptolomie doth witnesse as much.  For when there were some that praised king Ptolomie highly, saying that he trained his army well, and that he still continued his persone in exercise of armes:  It is not commendable for a king (sayd he) of his yeares, to delite in traininge his men to exercise armes, but to doe some acte him selfe in persone.  Well, in the ende, the MEGALOPOLITANS tooke his abscence in such evill parte, that they thought it a peece of treason, and would needes have banished him, and put him from the freedome of the citie: had not the ACHAIANS sent their Generall Aristanetus unto them, who would not suffer the sentence of banishment to passe against him, al- 

<Plut3-234>            PHILOPOEMEN

though otherwise there was ever contention betwene them about matters of the common wealth.  Afterwards, Philopoemen perceiving his contrymen made no more accompt of him, to spight them withall, he made diverse small villages and cities rebell against them, and taught them to say, and to give it out, that they were not their subjects, neither payed them tribute from the beginning: and he made them stande to it openly, and maintaine their sedition against the city of MEGALIPOLIS, before the councell of the ACHAIANS.  These things happened shortly after.  But whilest he made warres in CRETA for the GORTYNIANS, he shewed not himself a PELOPONNESIAN, nor like a man borne in ARCADIA, to nake plaine and open warres: but he had learned the maner of the CRETANS, to use their owne policies, fine devises, and ambushes against them selves.  And made them know also, that all their crafts, were but childish sportes as it were: in respect of those that were devised, and put in execution, by a wise experienced Captaine, and skilfull to fight a battell.  So, Philopoemen having wonne great fame by his actes done in CRETA, returned againe to PELOPONNESUS, where he founde, that Philip kinge of MACEDON had bene overcome in battell, by Titus Quintius Flaminius: and that the ACHAIANS joyning with the ROMAINES, did make warre against the tyran Nabis, against whome he was made Generall immediatly upon bis returne, and gave him battell by sea.  In the which it seemed he fell into like misfortune, as Epaminondas did: the event of this battell fallinge out much worse with him, then was looked for, in respect of his former corage and valliantnesse.  But as for Epaminondas, some say be returned willingly out of ASIA, and the Iles, without any exployte done, bicause he would not have his contrymen fleshed with spoyle by sea, as fearing least of valliant souldiers by lande, they would by litle and litle (as 

PHILOPOEMON           <Plut3-235>

Plato sayd) become dissolute mariners by sea.  But Philopoemen contrariwise, presuming upon the skill he had to set the battell in good order by lande, woulde needes take uppon him to do the same by sea.  But he was taught to his cost to knowe what exercise and experience ment, and howe stronge it maketh them that are practised in thinges.  For he lost not onely the battell by sea, beinge unskillful of that service: but he committed besides a fowler errour.  For that he caused an old shippe to be rigged, which had bene very good of service before, but not occupied in forty yeares together, and imbarked his contrymen into the same, which were all likely to perish, bicause the shippe had diverse leakes, by fault of good calking.  This overthrow made his enernies despise him utterly, who perswaded them selves he was fled for altogether, and had given them sea roome: whereupon they layed siege to the cide of GYTHIUM.  Philopoemen beinge advertised thereof, imbarked his men sodainely, and set upon his enemies ere they wist it, or had any thought of his comming: and founde them straggling up & downe, without watch or garde, by reason of the victory they had lately wonne.  So he landed his men closely by night, and went and set fyre uppon his enemies campe, and burnt it every whitte: and in this feare and hurry burly, slue a great number of them. Shortely after this stealing apon them, the tyran Nabis also stole apon him againe unwares as he was to goe through a marvelous ill and daungerous way.  Which made the ACHAIANS amazed at the first, thinkinge it unpossible for them that they could ever scape that daunger, considering their enemies kept all the wayes thereabouts.  But Philopoemen bethinking him selfe, and considering the nature and scituacion of the place: after he had viewed it well, he shewed them plainly then, that the chiefest point of a good souldier, and man of warre., was to know how to put an army 

<Plut3-236>            PHILOPOEMEN

in battell, accordinge to the time and scituacion of the place.  For he did but alter the forme of his battell a litle, and sorted it according to the scituacion of the place, wherein he was compassed: and by doinge this without trouble or business he tooke away all feare of daunger, and gave a charge upon his enemies in such fierce wise, that in a shorte time he put them all to flight.  And when he perceived that they did not flie in troupes together towardes the city, but scatteringwise, abroade in the fieldes in every place: he caused the trompet to sound the retreate.  Then he commaunded the chase to be followed no further, for that all the contry thereabout was full of thicke woddes and groves, very ill for horsemen: and also bicause there were many brookes, vallies, and quauemyres which they should passe over, he encamped him selfe presently, being yet broade day.  And so, fearinge least his enemies would in the night time draw unto the city, one after an other, and by couples: he sent a great number of ACHAIANS, and laid them in ambush amongest the brookes and hilles neere about it, which made great slaughter of Nabis souldiers, bicause they came not altogether in troupes, but scatteringly one after another as they fled, one here, an other there, and so fell into their enemies handes, as birdes into the fowlers net.  These acts made Philopoemen singularly beloved of the GREECIANs and they did him great honor in all their Theaters and common assemblies.  Whereat Titus Quintius Flaminius, of nature very ambitious, and covetous of honor: did much repine, and was envious at the matter, thinking that a consul of ROME, should have place and honor amongest the ACHAIANS, before a meane gentleman of ARCADIA.  And he imagined he had deserved better of all GREECE, then Philopoemen had: considering, howe by the onely proclamation of an heraulde, he had restored GREECE againe to her auncient liberty which 

PHILOPOEMON           <Plut3-237>

before his conquest was subject unto kinge Philip, and unto the MACEDONIANS. Afterwardes, Titus Quintius made peace with the tyran Nabis.  Nabis was shortely after very traiterously slaine by the AETOLIANS.  Whereuppon the citie of SPARTA grew to a tumult, and Philopoemen straight taking the occasion, went thither with his army, and handeled the matter so wisely: that partely for love, and partely by force, he wanne the city, and joyned it unto the tribe of the ACHAIANS.  So was he marvelously commended & esteemed of the ACHIAIANS for this notable victory, to have wonne their tribe and communalty so famous a city, and of so great estimacion.  For the City of SPARTA was no smale encrease of their power, & being joyned as a member of ACHAIA. Moreover he wan by this meanes, the love and good will of all the honest men of LACEDAEMON, of the hope they had to finde him a protector and defender of their liberty.  Wherefore, when the tyran Nabis house and goodes were solde, as forfitted to the state: they resolved in their counsell to make him a present of the money therof, which amounted to the summe of sixe score talents, and sent Ambassadors purposely unto him, to offer it him. Then Philopoemen shewed himselfe plainely to be no counterfeate honest man, but a good man in deede.  For first of all, there was not one of all the LACEDAEMONIANS that durst presume to offer him this money, but every man was afrayed to tell him of it: and every body that was appointed to do it, made some excuse or other for them selves.  Notwithstandinge, in the ende they made one Timolaus to take the matter upon him, who was his familiar frend, and also his hoste.  And yet the same Timolaus when he came unto MEGALIPOLIS, and was lodged and entertained in Philopoemenes house, did so much reverence him for his wise talke and conversation, for his moderate diet, and just dealing with all men: that he sawe 

<Plut3-238>            PHILOPOEMEN

there was no likely possibility to corrupt him with money, so as he durst not once open his mouth to speake to him of the present he had brought him, but founde some other occasion to excuse the cause of his comminge unto him.  And beinge sent unto him againe the second time, he did even as much as at the first time.  And making a third proofe, he ventured at the last to open the matter unto him, and told him the good will the city of SPARTA did beare him.  Philopoemen became a glad man to heare it: and when he had heard all he had to say to him, he went him selfe unto the citie of SPARTA.  There he declared unto the counsell, that it was not honest men, and their good frends, they should seeke to winne and corrupt with money, considering they might commaund their vertue upon any occasion, without cost unto them: but that they should seeke to bribe naughty men with money, and such as by sedidous orations in counsell did mutine, and put a whole citie in uprore: to the ende that having their mouthes stopped with giftes, they should trouble them the lesse in the commonwealth.  For, said he, it is more necessarie to stoppe your enemies mouthes, and to sowe up their lippes from libertie of speaking: then it is to keepe your frendes from it.  So noble a man was Philopoemen against all covetousnesse of money. Shortely after, the LACEDAEMONIANs beginning to warre againe, Diophanes (who was then General of the ACHAIANS) beinge advertised of it, beganne to prepare to punish them.  The LACEDAEMONIANS on the other side preparinge for the warres, did set all the contry of PELOPONNESUS in armes.  Hereupon Philopoemen sought to pacifie Diophanes anger, declaring unto him, that king Antiochus, and the ROMAINES, being at warres together at that present time, and they both having puisant armies one against another in the middest of GREECE: it was meete for a good Generall and wise governor, to 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-239>

have an eye to their doings, to be carefull of the same, and to beware that he did not trouble or alter any thinge within his contry at that instant, but then rather to dissemble it, and not to seeme to heare any fault whatsoever they did.  Diophanes would not be perswaded, but entred the territories of LACEDAEMON with a great army, and Titus Quintius Flaminius with him: and they together marched directly towardes the City of SPARTA.  Philopoemen was so madde with their doings, that he tooke apon him an enterprise not very lawfull, nor altogether just: neverthelesse, his attempt proceeded of a noble minde, and great corage.  For he got into the Citie of SPARTA, and beinge but a private persone, kept out the General of the ACHAIANS, and the Consull of the ROMAINES for entring the city: and when he had pacified all troubles and seditions in the same, he delivered it up againe as it was before, into the handes of the communaltie of the ACHAIANS.  Neverthelesse, him selfe being afterwardes Generall of the ACHAIANS, did compell the LACEDAEMONIANS to receive those home againe whom they had banished for certaine faultes, and did put foure score naturall borne citizens of SPARTA unto death, as Polybius wryteth.  Or three hundred and fifty, as Aristocrates an other histiographer reciteth.  Then he pulled downe the walles of the city, and rased them to the grounde, and tooke away the most parte of their territories, and gave them to the MEGALOPOLITANS.  All those whome the tyrannes had made free denizens of SPARTA, he compelld them to departe the contry of LACEDAEMON, and forced them to dwell in ACHAIA, three thousand only excepted, who would not obey his commaundement: all those he solde for slaves, and with the money he made of them (to spight them the more) he built a goodly fayer walke within the citie of MEGALIPOLIS.  Yet furthermore, to do the LACEDAEMONIANS all the mishciefe he 

<Plut3-240>            PHILOPOEMEN

coulde, and as it were, to treade them under the feete in their most grievous misery: he did a most cruell and unjust acte towarde them.  For he compelled them to leave the discipline and maner of education of their children, which Lycurgus had of olde time instituted: and made them to follow the maner the ACHAIANs used, in liew of their olde grounded contry custome, bicause he sawe they would never be humble minded, so long as they kept Lycurgus order and institucion.  Thus were they driven to put the heades in the choller, by the miserable mishappe that befell them: and in all despight, to suffer Philopoemen in this maner to cut a sunder (as it were) the sinewes of their common wealth.  But afterwardes they made sute to the ROMAINES, that they might be suffered to enjoy their auncient discipline again, which being graunted them they straight left the maner of the ACHAIANS, and did set up againe as much as was possible (after so great miserie and corruption of their maners) their olde auncient customes and orders of their contry.  Now about the time the warres beganne in GREECE, betwene the ROMAINES and king Antiochus, Philopoemen was then a private man, and without any authority.  He seeinge that kinge Antiochus lay still in the citie of CHALCIS, and did nothing but feast and love, and had maried a younge maide farre unmeete for his yeres: and perceiving that his SYRIAN souldiers wandered up & downe the townes in great disorder, playing many lewde partes without guide of Captaines: he was very sory he was not at that time Generall of the ACHAIANS, and tolde the ROMAINES, that he envied their victory, having warres with enemies that were so easily to be overcome.  For (sayd he) if fortune favored me that I were Generall of the ACHAIANs at this present, I woulde have killed them every man in the cellers and tippling houses.  Now when the ROMAINEs had overcome Antiochus, they beganne 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-241>

to have surer footing in GREECE: and to compasse in the ACHAIANS of all sides, and specially, by reason the heades and governors of the cities about them did yeelde to the ROMAINES, to winne their favor.  And now their greatnesse grewe in hast, by the favor of the goddes, so as they were become the monarche of the whole worlde, who brought them nowe to the ende that fortune had determined.  Philopoemen in the meane time did like a good pylot, bare hard against the billowes and roughnesse of their waves: and though for the time he was forced to give place, and to let things passe, yet for all that he was against the ROMAINES, and did withstande them in the most parte of their proceedinges, by seeking ever to defend the liberty of those, who by their eloquence and well doing caried great authority among the ACHAIANS.  And when Aristanetus MEGALOPOLITAN, (a man of great authority among the ACHAIANS, and one that ever bare great devotion to the ROMAINES) sayd in open Senate among the ACHAIANS, that they should deny the ROMAINES nothinge, nor shew them selves unthankefull to them: Philopoemen hearing what he sayd, held his peace a while, and suffered him to speake (though it boyled in his hart, he was so angry with him) and in the ende, breaking all pacience, and as one overcome with choller, he sayd.  O Aristanetus, why have you such hast to see the unfortunate ende of GREECE?  An other time, when Manius, Consull of ROME (after he had conquered king Antiochus) did make request to the counsell of the ACHAIANS, that such as were banished from LACEDAEMON, might returne home into their contry againe, and that Titus Quintius Flaminius also did earnestly intreate them: Philopoemen was against it, not for any hatred he bare unto the banished men, but bicause he would have done it by his owne meane, and the only grace of the ACHAIANS, to the ende they shuld not be beholding for so good a 

<Plut3-242>            PHILOPOEMEN

turne, neither unto Titus, nor yet to the ROMAINES.  Afterwardes he him selfe, being Generall of the ACHAIANS, did restore them wholly to their owne againe.  Thus was Philopoemen somtime, a litle to bolde and quarrelous, by reason of his great stomake: and specially when any man of authority sought for to have thinges.  Lastely, beinge three score and tenne yeares of age, he was the eight time chosen Generall of the ACHAIANS, and hoped well, not only to passe the yeare of his charge in peace and quietness but also all the rest of bis life without any sturre of new warres, he saw the affaires of GREECE take so good successe.  For like as the force and strength of sickenes declineth, as the natural strength of the sickely body empaireth: so through all the cities and people of GREECE, envy of quarrell and warres surceased, as their power diminished.  Neverthelesse, in the end of his yeares government, the goddes divine (who justly punish all insolent wordes and deedes) threw him to the grounde, as they suffer a ryder unfortunately to take a fall of his horse, beinge come almost to the ende of his cariere.  For they wryte, that he beinge in a place on a time amongest good companie, where one was marvelously praised for a good Captaine, sayed unto them: why, masters, can ye commende him that was contented to be taken prisoner alive of his enemies?  Shortely after came newes that Dinocrates MESSENIAN (a private enemy of Philopoemenes for certaine controversies past betwene them, and a man generally hated besides, of all honorable and vertuous men, for his licentious wicked life) had withdrawen the City of MESSINA from the devotion of the ACHAIANS: and moreover that he came with an army to take a towne called COLONIDE.  Philopoemen was at that time in the city of ARGOS, sicke of an agew, and yet hearing these newes, tooke his jorney toward MEGALIPOLIS, making al the hast he could pos- 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-243>

sible, so that he came above foure hundred furlongs that day.  Straight he departed thence toward MESSINA, and taried not, but tooke with him a company of men at armes of the lustiest and wealthiest MEGALOPOLITANS: who were all young noble men of the city, and willingly offered them selves to goe with him for the goodwill they bare him, and for the desire they had to follow his valliantnes.  Thus went they on their way towards the City of MESSINA, and marched so longe, that they came nere unto the hill of Evander, where they met with Dinocrates and his company, and gave so fierce an onset on them, that they made them all turne taile: howbeit in the meane while, there came a reliefe of five hundred men to Dinocrates, which he had left to keepe the contry of MESSINA.  The flying men that were scattered here and there, seeing this supply, gathered them selves againe together, and shewed upon the hills.  Philopoemen fearinge to be environned, and being desirous to bring his men safe home againe, who most of love had followed him: beganne to marche away through narrow bushy places, him selfe being in the rereward, and turned oftentimes upon his enemies, and skirmished with them, onely to drive them away from followinge of the rest of his company, and not a man that durst once set apon him: for they did but cry out aloofe, and wheele as it were about him.  Howebeit Philopoemen sundry times venturinge farre from his company, to geve these young noble men leasure to save them selves one after an other: tooke no heede to him selfe that he was alone, environned on every side with a great number of ennemies.  Notwithstandinge, of all his enemies there was not a man that durst come to hande strokes with him, but still slinging and shooting at him a farre of, they drove him in the end amongest stony places betwene hewen rockes, where he had much a doe to guide his horse, although he had 

<Plut3-244>            PHILOPOEMEN

spurred him that he was all of a gore blood.  And as for his age, that did not lette him but he might have saved him selfe, for he was strong and lusty by the continuall exercise he tooke: but by cursed happe, his body being weake with sickenes, and weary with the long jorney he had made that day, he founde him selfe very heavy & ill disposed, that his horse stumbling with him, threwe him to the grounde.  His fall was very great, and brused all his head, that he lay for dead in the place a great while, and never sturted nor spake: so that his enemies thinkinge he had bene dead, came to turne his body to strippe him.  But when they saw him lift up his head and open his eyes, then many of them fell all at once apon him, and tooke him, and bounde both his hands behinde him, and did all the villany and mischiefe they could unto him, & such, as one would litle have thought Dinocrates would have used in that sorte, or that he could have had such an ill thought towardes him.  So, they that taried behinde in the City of MESSINA, were marvelous glad when they heard these newes, and ranne all to the gates of the city to see him brought in.  When they saw him thus shamefully bounde, and pinioned, against the dignity of so many honors as he had received, and of so many triumphes and victories as he had passed: the most parte of them wept for pitie, to consider the mishappe and ill fortune of mans nature, where there is so litle certainety, as in maner it is nothing.  Then beganne there some curteous speeche to runne in the mouthes of the people by litle and litle, that they should remember the great good he had done unto them in times past, and the liberty he had restored them unto, when he expulsed the tyran Nabis out of MESSINA. But there were other againe (howbeit very few) that to please Dinocrates, sayed they should hang him on a gibbet, and put him to death as a daungerous enemy, and that would never forgive man that had 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-245>

once offended him: and the rather, bicause he would be more terrible to Dinocrates, then ever he was before, if be escaped his hands, receiving such open shame by him.  Nevertheles, in the end they caried him into a certen dungeon under the ground, called the treasury, (which had neither light nor ayer at all into it, nor dore, nor half dore, but a great stone rolled on the mouth of the dungeon) and so they did let him downe the same, and stopped the hole againe with the stone, and watched it with armed men for to keepe him.  Now when these younge noble ACHAIAN horsemen had fled uppon the spurre a great way from the enemy, they remembred them selves, and looked round about for Philopoemen: & finding him not in sight, they supposed straight he had bene slaine.  Thereuppon they stayed a great while, and called for him by name, and perceiving he aunswered not, they beganne to say among them selves, they were beastes and cowardes to flie in that sorte: and how they were dishonored for ever so to have forsaken their Captaine, to save themselves, who had not spared his owne life, to deliver them from daunger.  Hereupon ryding on their way, and enquiring still for him: they were in the end advertised how he was taken.  And then they went and caried those newes through all the townes and cities of ACHAIA, which were very sory for him, and tooke it as a signe of great ill fortune toward them.  Whereupon they agreed to send Ambassadors forthwith to the MESSENIANS, to demaunde him: and in the meane time every man should prepare to arme them selves, to go thither, and get him either by force or love. When the ACHAIANS had thus sent, Dinocrates feared nothing so much, as that delay of time might save Philopoenes life: wherefore to prevent it, as soone as night came, and that the people were at rest, he straight caused the stone to be rolled from the mouth of the dungeon, and willed the hang- 

<Plut3-246>            PHILOPOEMEN

man to be let downe to Philopoemen with a cuppe of poison to offer him, who was commaunded also not to goe from him, untill he had dronke it.  When the hangman was come downe, he found Philopoemen layed on the grounde apon a litle cloke, havinge no list to sleepe, he was so grievously troubled in his minde.  Who when he sawe light and the man standing by him, holding a cuppe in his hande with this poison, he sate upright upon his couch, howbeit with great paine he was so weake: and taking the cuppe in his hande, asked the hangman if he heard any newes of the horsemen that came with him, and specially of Lycortas.  The hangman made him answer, that the most of them were saved.  Then he cast his handes a litle over his head, and looking merely on him he sayd: it is well, seeing we are not all unfortunate. Therewith speaking no moe wordes, nor makinge other a doe, he droncke up all the poison, and layed him downe as before.  So nature strave not much withall, his body being brought so lowe, & thereupon the poison wrought his effect, & rid him straight out of his paine.  The newes of his death ran presently through all ACHAIA, which generally from high to low was lamented.  Whereupon all the ACHAIAN youth and counsellors of their cities & townes, assembled them selves in the city of MEGALIPOLIS, where they all agreed without delay to revenge his death.  They made Ljcortas their Generall under whose conduct they invaded the MESSENIANS, with force and violence, puttinge all to the fire & sword: so as the MESSENIANS were so feared with this mercilesse fury, that they yelded them selves, & wholly consented to receive the ACHAIANS into their city.  But Dinocrates would not give them leasure to execute him by justice, for he killed him selfe: & so did all the rest make themselves away, who gave advise that Philopoemen should be put to death.  But those that would have had Philopoemen hanged on 

PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-247>

a gibbet, Lycortas caused them to be taken, which afterwards were put to death with all kind of torments.  That done, they burnt Philopoemenes body, and did put his ashes into a pot.  Then they straight departed from MESSINA, not in disorder, one apon an others necke as every man listed: but in such an order and ray, that in the middest of these funeralles they did make a triumphe of victorie.  For the souldiers were all crowned with garlandes of lawrell in token of victory, notwithstanding, the teares ranne downe their cheekes in token of sorowe, & they led their eneniies prisoners, shackled and chained.  The funerall pot in the which were Philopomenes ashes, was so covered with garlandes of flowers, nosegaies, and laces, that it could scant be seene or discerned, and was caried by one Polybius a young man, the sonne of Lycortas, that was Generall at that time to the ACHAIANS: about whom there marched all the nobleft and chiefest of the ACHAIANS, and after them also followed all the souldiers armed, and their horses very well furnished.  The rest, they were not so sorowfull in their countenance, as they are commmonly which have great cause of sorow: not yet so joyful, as those that came conquerers from so great a victory.  Those of the cities, townes, and villages in their way as they past, came and presented them selves unto them, to touche the funerall pot of his ashes, even as they were wont to take him by the hande, and to make much of him when he was returned from the warres: and did accompany his convoy unto the City of MEGALIPOLIS.  At the gates whereof, were olde men, women, and children, which thrustinge them selves amongest the souldiers, did renewe the teares, sorowes, and lamentacions of all the miserable and unfortunate city: who tooke it that they had lost with their citizen, the first and chiefest place of honor among the ACHAIANS.  So he was buried very honorably as appertained unto him: and the other 

<Plut3-248>            PHILOPOEMEN

prisoners of MESSINA, were all stoned to death, about his sepulchre. All the other cities of ACHAIA, besides many other honors they did unto him, did set up statues, and as like to him, as could be counterfeated. Afterwards in the unfortunate time of GREECE, when the city of CORINTHE was burnt and destroied by the ROMAINES, there was a malicious ROMAINE that did what he could to have the same pulled downe againe, by burdening and accusing Philopoemen (as if he had bene alive) that he was alwaies enemy to the ROMAINES, & envied much their prosperity and victories. But after Polybius had aunswered him: neither the Consul Mummius, nor his counsellers, nor lieutenaunts, would suffer them to deface and take away the honors done in memory of so famous and worthy a man, although he had many waies done much hurt unto Titus Quintius Flaminius, and unto M So,{enemies+} these good men then made a difference betwene duety and profit: and did thinke honesty & profit two distinct things, and so separated one from the other, according to reason and justice.  Moreover they were perswaded, that like as men receive curtesie and goodnes of any, so are they bound to requite them againe, with kindenes and duety.  And as men use to acknowledge the same: even so ought men to honor and reverence vertue. And thus much for the life of Philopoemen.

The ende of Philopoemenes life


The Life of Titus Quintius Flaminius+

IT is easie to see Titus Quintius Flaminius forme, and stature, by Philopoemenes statue of brasse, to whome we compare him: the which is now set uppe at ROME, neere to great Apollo that was brought from CARTHAGE, and is placed right agst the comming in to the show place, under which there is in inscription in Greeke letters.  But for his nature and conditions, they say of him thus: he would quickley be angry, and yet very ready to pleasure men againe. For, if he did punish any man that had angered him, he would do it gently, but his anger did not long continew with him.  He did good also to many, & ever loved them whom he had once pleasured, as if they had done him some pleasure: {benefit+} and was ready to do for them still whom he founde thankefull, bicause he

<Plut3-250>                T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

would ever make them beholding to him, and thought that as honorable a thinge, as he could purchase to him selfe.  Bicause he greatly sought honor above all thinges, when any notable service was to be done, he would do it him selfe, and no man should take it out of his hand.  He would ever be rather with them that needed his helpe, then with those that could helpe him, or do him good.  For, the first he esteemed as a meane to exercise his vertue with: the other, he tooke them as his fellowes and followers of honor with him.  He came to mans state, when the citie of ROME had greatest warres & trouble.  At that time all the youth of ROME, which were of age to cary weapon, were sent to the warres to learne to traile the pyke, & how to become good Captaines.  Thus was he entred into marshall affaires, and the first charge he tooke, was in the warre against Hanniball of CARTHAGE, where he was made Colonell of a thousand footemen, under Marcellus the consull: who being slaine by an ambush Hanniball had layed for him betwene the cities of BANCIA, and VENUSA, then they did choose Titus Quintius Flaminius governor of the province and city of TARENTUM, which was now taken againe the seconde time.  In this government of his, he wanne the reputacion as much of a good and just man, as he did of an expert and skilfull Captaine. By reason whereof when the ROMAINES were requested to send men to inhabite the cities of NARNIA and COSSA, he was appointed the chiefe leader of them, which chiefely gave him hart and corage to aspire at the first to the Consulshippe, passinge over all other meane offices, as to be AEdile, Tribune, or Praetor, by which (as by degrees) other younge men were wont to attaine the Consulshippe. Therefore when the time came that the Consulls should be elected, he did present him selfe amonge other, accompanied with a great number of those he hadde brought with him, to inhabite the two 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-251>

newe townes, who did make earnest sute for him.  But the two Tribunes Fulvius, md Manlius, spake against him, and sayed: it was out of all reason, that so younge a nan should in such manner prease to have the office of the highest dignitie, against the use & custome of ROME, before he hadde passed through the inferior offices of the common wealth.  Neverthelesse, the Senate preferred it wholly to the voyces of the people: who presently pronounced him Consull openly, with Sextius AElius, although he was not yet thirtie yeare olde.  Afterwardes, AElius and he devidinge the offices of the state by lotte: it fell apon T.  Quintius to make warre with Philip kinge of MACEDON.  In the which me thinkes fortune geatly favored the ROMAINES affaires, that made such a man Generall of these warres: for, to have pointed a Generall that by force and violence woulde have sought all thinges at the MACEDONIANs handes, that were a people to be wonne rather by gentlenesse and perswasions, then by force and compulsion: it was all against them selves.  Philip, to maintaine the bront of a battell against the ROMAINEs, had power enough of his owne in his realme of MACEDON: but to make warre any long time, to furnish him selfe with money and vittailes, to have a place and cities to retyre unto, and lastly, to have all other necessaries for his men and army: it stoode him apon to get the force of GREECE.  And had not the force of GREECE bene politickely cut from him, the warres against him had not bene ended with one battell.  Moreover, GREECE (which never before bare the ROMAINES any great good will) would not have delt then so inwardly in frendshippe with them, had not their Generall bene (as he was) a gentle persone, lowly, and tractable, that wanne them more by his wisedome, then by his force, and could both eloquently utter his minde to them, and curteously also heare them speake, that had to doe 

<Plut3-252>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

with him, and chiefely, ministred justice and equity to everyman alike. For it is not to be thought that GREECE would otherwise so soone have withdrawen them selves from the rule of those, with whome they were acquainted, and governed: and have put them selves under the rule of straungers, but that they saw great justice and lenity in them.  Howbeit that may more plainly appeare, by declaring of his actes.  Titus was informed, that the Generalls before him sent to the warre in MACEDON (as Sulpitius, and Publius Julius) used to come thither about the later end of the yeare, and made but cold warres, and certaine light skirmishes, as sometime in one place, and sometime in an other against Philip, and all to take some straite, or to cut of vittells: which he thought was not his way to follow their example.  For they tarying at home, consumed the most of their Consulshippe at ROME, in matters of government, and so enjoyed the honor of their office.  Afterwardes in the end of their yeare, they would set out to the warres, of intent to get an other yeare over their heades in their office, that spending one yere in their Consulship at home, they might employ the other in the warres abroade.  But Titus not minding to trifle out the halfe of his Consulshippe at ROME, and the other abroade in the warres: did willingly leave all his honors and dignities he might have enjoyed by his office at ROME, and besought the Senate that they would appoint his brother, Lucius Quintius Lieutenant of their army by sea.  Furthermore, he tooke with him selfe about three thousands olde souldiers of those that had first overthrowen Asdrubal in SPAYNE, and Hanniball afterwardes in AFRICKE, under the conduci of Scipio, which yet were able to serve, and were very willinge to goe with him in this jorney, to be the strength of his army.  With this companie he passed the seaes without daunger, and landed in EpiRvs, where he found Publius Julius 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-253>

encamped with his army before kinge Philip, who of longe time had lien in campe about the mouth of the river of Apsus, to kepe the straight and passage, which is the entry into EPIRUS.  So that Publius Julius had lien still there, and done nothing, by reason of the naturall force and hardnes of the place.  Then Titus tooke the army of him, and sent him to ROME.  Afterwards, him selfe went in persone to view and consider the nature of the contry, which was in this sorte.  It is a longe valley walled on either side with great high mountaines, as those which shut in the valley of Tempe in THESSALIE. Howbeit it had no such goodly woods, nor grene forrests, nor fayer medowes, nor other like places of pleasure, as the other side had: but it was a great deepe marrishe or quauemyre, throuh the through thr middest whereof the river calld Apsus did runne, being in greatnes and swiftnes of streame, very like to the river of Peneus.  The river did occupie all the ground at the feete of the mountaines, saving a litle way that was cut out of the maine rocke by mans hand, and a narrow straight pathe by the waters side, very unhandesome for an army to passe that way, though they found not a man to keepe the passage.  There were some in the army that counselled Titus to fetche a great compasse about by the country of DASSARETIDE, and by the city of LYNCUS, where the contry is very plaine, and the way marvelous easie.  Howebeit he stoode in great feare he should lacke vittells, if he stayed farre from the sea, and happely if he fell into any barren or leane contry, (Philip refusing the battel, and purposing to flie) he should be constrained in the end to returne againe towardes the sea, without doing any thing, as his predecessor had done before.  Wherefore he determined to crosse the mountaines to set upon his enemy, and to prove if be could winne the passage by force.  Now Philip kept the top of the mountaines with his army, and when the 

<Plut3-254>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

ROMAINES forced to get up the hilles, they were received with dartes, slings, & shot, that lighted amongest them here and there: insomuch as the skirmish was very hot for the time it lasted, and many were slayne and hurt on either side.  But this was not the ende of the warre.  For in the meane time there came certaine neateherdes of the contry unto Titus (who did use to keepe beastes on these mountaines) and tolde him they could bring him a way which they knew the enemies kept not: by the which they promised to guide his army so, that in three dayes at the furthest, they would bringe them on the top of the mountains.  And bicause they might be assured that their wordes were true, they sayed they were sent to him by Charopus, the sonne of Machatas.  This Caropus was the chiefest man of the EPIROTS, who loved the ROMAINES very well, yet he favored them but under hand, for feare of Philip.  Titus gave credit unto them, and so sent one of his Captaines with them, with foure thousand footemen, and three hundred horsemen.  The heard men that were their guides, went before still, fast bounde: and the ROMAINES followed after.  All the day time the army rested in thicke woddes, and marched all night by moone light, which was then by good happe at the ful.  Titus having sent these men away, rested all the rest of his campe: saving that some daies he entertayned them with some light skirmishes to occupy the enemy withall.  But the same day, when his men that fetched a compasse about, shoulde come unto the top of the mountains above the campe of his enemies, he brought all his army out of the campe by breake of day, and devided them into three troupes, with the one of them he himselfe went on that side of the river where the way is straightest, making his bands to march directly against the side of the hil.  The MACEDONIANS againe, they shot lustely at them from the height of the hill, and in certen places amongest the rockes they came 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-255>

to the sworde.  At the selfe same time, the two other troupes on either hande of him did their endevor likewise to get up the hill, and as it were envying one an other, they climed up with great corage against the sharpe and steepe hanginge of the mountains.  When the sunne was up, they might see a farre of as it were, a certen smoke, not very bright at the beginning, much like to the mistes we see commonly rise from the tops of the mountaines. The enemies could see nothing, bicause it was behinde them, and that the top of the mountains was possessed with the same.  The ROMAINES, though they were not assured of it, did hope being in the middest of the fight, that it was their fellowes they looked for.  But when they saw it increased stil more, and more, and in such sorte, that it darkened all the ayer: then they did assure them selves it was certainely the token their men did give them that they were come.  Then they beganne to crie out, clymbynge up the hills with such a lusty corage, that they drave their enemies up the hill still, even unto the very rough & hardest places of the mountaine. Their fellowes also that were behind the enemies, did aunswer them with like lowde cries from the top of the mountains: wherwith the enemies were so astonied, that they fled presently apon it.  Notwithstanding, there were not slaine above two thousand of them, bicause the hardnes and straightnes of the place did so gard them, that they could not be chased.  But the ROMAINES spoiled their campe, tooke all that they found in their tents, tooke also their slaves, and wan the passage into the mountaints, by the which they entred the contty of EPIRUS: and did passe through it so quietly, and with so great abstinence, that though they were farre from their ships and the sea, and lacked their ordinary portion of corne which they were wont to have monthely, and that vittells were very scant with them at that time, yet they 

<Plut3-256>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

never tooke any thing of the contry, though they founde great store and plenty of all riches in it.  For Titus was advertised, that Philip passing by THESSALIE, & flying for feare, had caused the inhabitants of the cities to get them to the mountaines, and then to set fire on their houses, and to leave those goodes they could not cary away, by reason of the weight and unhandsome cariage therof, to the spoyle of his souldiers: & so (as it seemed) he left the whole contry to the conquest of the ROMAINES. Whereuppon Titus looking consideratly to his doings, gave his men great charge to passe through the contry without doing any hurt or mischief, as the same which their enemies had now left to them as their owne.  So they taried not long to enjoy the benefit of their orderly and wise forbearing of the contry.  For, so soone as they were entred THESSALIE, the citie willingly yeelded them selves unto them: and the GREECIANS inhabiting beyond the contry of THERMOPYLES, did marvelously desire to see Titus, asking no other thing, but to put them selves into his hands.  The ACHAIANS also on the other side, did renounce the league and alliance they had made with Philip: & furthermore did determine in their counsell, to make warre with him on the ROMAINES side.  And although the AETOLIANS were at that time frendes and confederates with the ROMAINES, and that they did shew them selves very loving to take their parte in these warres: nevertheles when they desired the OPUNTIANS that they would put their city into their hands, and were offred that it should be kept and defended from Philip they would not harken therto, but sent for Titus, and put them selves and their goods wholly into his protection.  They say, that when king Pyrrus first saw the ROMAINIES army range in order of battel from the top of a hill, he said: this order of the barbarous people, setting of their men in battell ray, was not done in a barbarous maner. 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-257>

And those also that never had seene Titus before, and came for to speake with him: were compelled in a manner to say as much.  For where they had hearde the MACEDONIANS say, that there came a Captaine of the barbarous people that destroyed all before him by force of armes, and subdued whole contries by violence: they sayd to the contrary, that they found him a man, in dede young of yeres, howbeit gentle, & curteous to looke on, and that spake the Greeke tongue excellently wel, and was a lover only of true glory.  By reason wherof they returned home marvelous glad, and filled all the cities & townes of GREECE with goodwill towardes him, and sayd: they had seene Titus the Captaine, that would restore them to their auncient libertie againe.  Then it much more appeared, when Philip shewed him selfe willing to have peace, and that Titus also did offer it him, and the frendshippe of the people of ROME, with these conditions: that he would leave the GREECIANS their whole liberties, and remove his garrisons out of their cities and strong holdes: which Philip refused to do.  And thereupon all GREECE, and even those which favored Philip, sayed with one voyce: that the ROMAINES were not come to make warres with them, but rather with the MACEDONIANS in favor of the GREECIANS.  Wherupon all GREECE came in, and offred them selves unto Titus without compulsion.  And as he passed through the contry of BOEOTIA, without any shew at al of warres, the chiefest men of the city of THEBES went to mete him: who though they tooke part with the king of MACEDON, bicause of a private man called Brachylelis, yet they would honor Titus, as those which were contented to keepe league and friendship with either side.  Titus embraced them, and spake very curteously unto them, going on his way still fayer and softly, entertaining them somtime with one matter, and somtime with an other, and kept them talke 

<Plut3-258>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

of purpose, to the end his souldiers being wearied with jornying, might in the meane time take good breath: and so marching on, by litle and litle, he entred into the city with them.  Wherewith the Lords of THEBES were not greatly pleased, but yet they durst not refuse him, thogh he had not at that time any number of souldiers about him.  When he was within THEBES he praied audience, & began to perswade the people (as carefully as if he had not had the city already) that they woulde rather take parte with the ROMAINES, then with the king of MACEDON.  And to further Titus purpose, king Attalus being by chaunce at that time in the assembly, did help to exhort the THEBANS very earnestly, that they would doe as Titus perswaded them.  But Attalus was more earnest then became a man of his yeares, for the desire he had (as was imagined) to shewe Titus his eloquence: who did so straine and move him selfe withall, that he sounded sodaynely in the middest of his oration, whereby the rewme fell downe so fast uppon him, that it tooke away his sences, so as he fell in a traunse before them all, and few dayes after was conveyed againe by sea into ASIA, where he lived not long after.  In the meane time, the BOEOTIANS came into the ROMAINES, and tooke their parte.  And Philip having sent Ambassadors to ROME, Titus also sent thither of his men to solicite for him, in two respects.  The one, if the warres continued against Philip, that then they would prolong his time there.  The other, if the Senate did graunt him peace: that they would do him the honor, as to make and conclude it with Philip.  For Titus of his owne nature being very ambitious, did feare least they would send a successor to continew those warres, who should take the glory from him, and make an end of them.  But his frends made such earnest sute for him, that neither king Philip attained that he prayed: neither was there sent any other generall in Titus 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-259>

place, but he still continued his charge in these warres.  Wherefore, so soone as he had receied his comission and authority from the Senate, he went straight towards THESSALIE, with great hope to overcome Philip. For he had in his army above six and twenty thousand fighting men, whereof the AETOLIANS made six thousand footemen, and three thousande horsemen. King Philips army on thother side was no lesse in number, and they began to march one towards the other, untill at the length they both drew neere the City of SCOTUSA, where they determined to try the battell.  So, neither they nor their men were afraid, to see them selves one so neere an other: but rather to the contrary, the ROMAINES on the one side tooke greater hart and corage unto them, desiring to fight, as thinking with themselves what great honor they should win to overcome the MACEDONIANS, who were so highly esteemed for their valliantnes, by reason of the famous acts that Alexander the great did by them.  And the MACEDONIANS on the other side also, taking the ROMAINES for other maner of souldiers then the PERSIANS, began to have good hope if they might winne the field, to make king Philip more famous in the world, then ever was Alexander his father.  Titus then calling his men together, spake and exhorted them to stand to it like men, and to show themselves valliant souldiers in this battel, as those which were to shew the proofe of their valliantnesse in the hart of GREECE: the goodliest Theater of the world, and against their enemies of most noble fame.  Philip then by chaunce, or forced to it by the spede he made, bicause they were both ready to joyne: did get up unwares upon a charnell house, (where they had buried many bodies, being a litle hill raised up above the rest, and neere the trenches of his campe) and there began to encorage his souldiers, as all generals do before they give battel.  Who when he saw them all discoraged, 

<Plut3-260>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

for they tooke it for an il signe that he was gotten up on the top of a grave to speake unto them: he of a conceite at the matters did of himselfe deferre to give battell that day.  The next morning, bicause the night was very wet by reason the sowthewindes had blowen, the clowds were turned to a miste, & fired all the valley with a darke grosse thicke ayer, comming from the mountaines thereabouts, which covered the field betwene both campes with a mist all the morning: by reason wherof the skowtes on both sides that were sent to discover what the enemies did, in very shorte time met together, and one gave charge upon an other in a place they call the dogges heads, which are pointes of rockes placed upon litle hills one before an other, and very nere one unto an other, which have bene called so, bicause they have had some likenes of it.  In this skirmish there were many chaunges, as commonly falleth out when they fight in such ill favored stony places.  For sometime the ROMAINES fled, and the MACEDONIANS chased them: an other time the MACEDONIANS that followed the chase, were glad to fly themselves, and the ROMAINES who fled before, nowe had them in chase. This chaunge and alteracion came, by sending new supplies still from both campes, to relieve them that were distressed and driven to flie.  Now began the miste to breake up, and the ayer to clere, so that both generals might see about them what was done in either campe: by reason wherof both of them drew on their army to the field and battel.  So Philip had the vantage on the right wing of his army, which was placed on the height of an hanging hill, from which they came so a maine to set upon the ROMAINES, and with such a fury, that the strongest and valliantest that could be, had never bene able to abide the front of their battel, so closely were they joined together, and their wall of pykes was so strong.  But on his left wing it was not so, 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-261>

bicause the rancks of his battel could not joine so nere, nor close target to target, the place being betwixt the hills and the rocks where the battel was comming, so as they were compelled by reason of the straightnes and unevennes of the ground, to leave it open, and unfurnished in many places.  Titus finding that disadvantage, went from the left wing of his battel which he saw overlaid by the right wing of his enemies, and going sodainly toward the left wing of king Philips battell, he set upon the MACEDONIANS on that side, where he saw they could not close their ranckes in the front, nor joyne them together in the middest of the battel (which is the whole strength and order of the MACEDONIAN fight) bicause the field was up hill and downe hill: and to fight hand to hand they were so pestered behind, that one thronged and overlaid an other.  For the battel of the MACEDONIANS hath this property, that so long as the order is kept close and joyned together, it semeth as it were but the body of a beast of a force invincible.  But also after that it is once open, and that they are sundered and not joyned together, it doth not only loose the force and power of the whole body, but also of every private souldier that fighteth: partly by reason of the diversity of the weapons wherewith they fight, and partely for that their whole strength consisteth most, in the disposing & joyning together of their ranckes and orders which doth stay up one an other, more then doth every private souldiers strength.  So when this left wing of the MACEDONIANS was broken, and that they ran their way: one parte of the ROMAINES followed the chase, and the other ranne to give a charge uppon the flanckes of the right winge which fought yet, & they made great slaughter of them.  Whereupon they now which before had the vantage, beganne to stagger and breake, and in the ende ranne away as fast as the other did, throwing downe 

<Plut3-262>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

their weapons: insomuch as there were slaine of them eight thousande in the fielde, and five thousande taken prisoners in the chase.  And had not the fault bene in the AETOLIANS, Philip had not saved him selfe by flyinge as he did.  For whileft the ROMAINES had their enemies in chase, the AETOLIANS taried, and rifled all kinge Philips campe, so as they had left the ROMAINES nothinge to spoyle at their returne.  Whereupon there grew great quarrel, and hot words betwene them, and one with an other. But afterwardes they angered Titus worse, chalenginge the honor of this victory to them selves, bicause they gave it out through GREECE, that they alone had overthrowen king Philip in the battell.  So that in the songs and ballets the Poets made in praise of this victory, which every contry and townes man had in his mouth: they alwaies put the AETOLIANs before the ROMAINES, as in this that followeth, which was currently song in every place.

O frend, which passeth by: here lie we wretched pheares,
Withouten honor of the grave, without lamenting teares.
We thirty thousand were, which ended have our dayes:
In cruell coasts of Thessalie, which caused our decayes.
We have bene overthrowen by the AEtolians men of warre:
And by the Latine crewes likewise, whom Titus led from farre.
Even out of Italie, to Macedonie lande,
Us to distroy, he (captaine like) did come with mighty hande.
And Philip stowte, therewhiles for all his prowde fierce face:
Is fled more swift, then hartes doe runne, which are pursued in chace.
The Poet was Alcaus that made these verses for to singe, who did them in disgrace of kinge Philip, falsely increasinge the number of his men which died in the battell, only to shame and spite him the more: howbeit he spited Titus thereby, more then Philip, bicause it was 
T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-263>

song in every place.  For Philip laughed at it, and to encounter him againe with the like mocke, he made a song to counterfeate his, as followeth. This gibbet on this hill, which passers by may marke:  Was set to hang Alcaus up, withouten leaves or barke.  But Titus tooke it grevously, who chiefly desired to be honored amongest the GREECIANS, by reason wherof from that time forwards he delt in the rest of his matters alone, without making accompt of the AETOLIANS: wherwith they were marvelous angry, and specially when he received an Ambassador from Philip, and gave eare unto a treaty of peace which he offred.  For then they were so netled against him, that they gave it out through all GREECE, that Titus had solde peace unto Philip, when he might altogether have ended the warre, and utterly have destroyed Philips whole power and Empire, who had first brought GREECE into bondage. These slaunderous reports & false tales which the AETOLIANS spred thus abroade, did much trouble the ROMAINES frendes and confederates: but Philip selfe pulled this suspicion out of their heades, when he came in person to require peace, and did submit him selfe wholly to the discretion of Titus and the ROMAINES.  Titus then graunted him peace, and delivered to him his realme of MACEDON, & commaunded him he shoulde give over all that he helde in GREECE, and besides, that he should pay one thousande talents for tribute, taking from him all his army by sea, saving only tenne shippes: and for assurance of this peace, he tooke one of his sonnes for hostage whome he sent to ROME.  Wherein Titus, certainely did very well, and wisely did foresee the time to come.  For then Hanniball of CARTHAGE, (the great enemy of the ROMAINES) was banished out of his contry, and commen to kinge Antiochus, whome he put in the head, & earnestly moved, 

<Plut3-264>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

to follow his good fortune, and the increase of his Empire.  Whom Hanniball so followed with these perswasions, that kinge Antiochus at length was come to it.  And trusting to his former good successes and notable acts, whereby in the warres before he had attained the surname of great: he began now to aspire to the monarchy of the whole world, and sought how to finde occasion to make warres with the ROMAINES.  So that if Titus (foreseeing that a far of) had not wisely inclined to peace, but that the wars of Antiochus had fallen out together with the warres of king Philip, and that these two the mightiest Princes of the worlde had joyned together against the city of ROME: then it had bene in as great trouble and daunger, as ever it was before, in the time of their warres against Hannibal.  Howbeit Titus havinge happely thrust in this peace betwene both warres, he cut of the warre that was present, before the other that was comminge: by which meanes he tooke from one of the kinges his last, and from the other his first hope.  In the meane time, the tenne commissioners that were sent by the Senate from ROME to Titus, to aide and assist him in the order of the affaiers of GREECE: did counsell him to set all the rest of GREECE at liberty, and onely to kepe in their handes with good garrison, the cities of CHALCIDE, of CORINTHE, and of DEMETRIADE, to make sure that by practise they should not enter into leagae and alliance with Antiochus.  Then the AETOLIANS (that were the common slaunderers of Titus proceedinges) beganne openly to make these cities to rebell, and did summone Titus to loose the chaines of GREECE: for so did kinge Philip call these three cities.  Then they asked the GREECIANS in mockery, whether they were willing now to have heavier fetters on their legges, then before, being somwhat brighter and fayrer then those they had bene shackled with: and also whether they were not greatly beholding 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-265>

to Titus for taking of the fetters from the GREECIANS legs, and tyinge them about their neckes.  Titus beinge marvelously troubled and vexed with this, moved the tenne counsellers so earnestly, that he made them graunt his request in the ende, that those three cities also should be delivered from garrison: bicause the GREECIANS thenceforth might no more complaine, that his grace & liberality was not throughly performed, & accomplished in every respeet on them all.  Wherefore, when the feast called Isthmia was come, there were gathered together an infinite multitude of people come to see the sporte of the games played there: for GREECE having bene long time troubled with warres, they seeing them selves now in sure peace, and in very good hope of ful liberty, looked after no other thing but delited only to see games, & to make mery.  Proclamation was then made by sounde of trompet in the assembly, that everyman shoulde keepe silence.  That done, the heraulde went forward, & thrust into the middest of the multitude, and proclaimed out alowde: that the Senate of ROME, and Titus Quintius Flaminius, Consul of the people of ROME (now that they had overthrowen kinge Philip and the MACEDONIANS in battell) did thenceforth discharge from all garrisons, & set at liberty from all taxes, subsidies, and impositions for ever, to live after their olde auncient lawes, and in full liberty: the CORINTHIANS, the LOCRIANS, those of PHOCIDE, those of the Ile of EUBOEA, the ACHAIANS, the PHTHIOTES, the MAGNESIANS, the THESSALIANS, and the PERRHOEBEIANS.  At the first time of the proclamation, all the people could not hear the voice of the heraulde, and the most parte of those that hearde him, coulde not tell distinctly what he sayed: for there ranne up and downe the shewe place where the games were played, a confused brute and tumult of the people that wondered, and asked what the matter ment, so as the 

<Plut3-266>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

heraulde was driven againe to make the proclamation.  Whereupon after silence made, the herauld puttinge out his voice farre lowder then before, did proclaime it in such audible wise, that the whole assembly heard him: and then rose there such a lowde showte and crie of joy through the whole people, that the sound of it was heard to the sea.  Then all the people that had taken their places, and were set to see the Swordplayers play, rose up all on their feete, lettinge the games alone, and went together with great joy to salute, to embrace, and to thanke Titus the recoverer, protector, and patrone of all their liberties of GREECE.  Then was seene (which is much spoken of) the power of mens voyces: for crowes fel downe at that present time among the people, which by chaunce flew over the show place at that time that they made the same out showte.  This came to passe, by reason the ayer was broken and cut a sunder, with the vehemency & strength of the voyces, so as it had not his naturall power in it, to keepe up the flying of the birdes: which were driven of necessity to fall to the grounde, as flyinge through a voide place where they lacked ayer.  Unlesse we will rather say that it was the violence of the crie which strooke the birdes passinge through the ayer, as they had bene hit with arrowes, and so made them fall downe dead to the earth.  It may be also, that there was some hurlinge winde in the ayer, as we doe see sometime in the sea, when it riseth high, and many times turneth about the waves, by violence of the storme.  So it is, that if Titus hadde not prevented the whole multitude of people which came to see him, and that he had not got him away betimes, before the games were ended: he had hardly scaped from being stifled amongest them, the people came so thicke about him from every place.  But after that they were weary of crying, and singing about his pavillion untill night, in the ende they went their way: and as they 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-267>

went, if they met any of their kinne, frendes or citizens, they did kisse and embrace one an other for joy, and so supped, and made mery together. In their more rejoicinge yet, as we may thinkfull well, they had no talke at the table, but of the warres of GREECE, discoursing amongest them what sundry great warres they had made, what they had endured heretofore, and all to defend and recover their liberty.  And yet for all that, they coulde never so joyfully nor more assuredly obtaine it, then they did even at that present, receiving the honorablest reward, and that which deserved greatest fame through the worlde: that by the valliantnesse of straungers who fought for the same (without any spilt blood of their owne in comparison, or that they lost the life of any one man, whose death they had cause to lament) they were so restored to their auncient freedome and liberty.  It is a very rare thinge amongest men, to finde a man very valliant, and wise withall: {Hal+} but yet of all sortes of valliant men, it is harder to finde a just man.  For Agesilaus, Lysander, Nicias, Alcibiades, and all other the famous Captaines of former times, had very good skill to lead an army, and to winne the battell, as well by sea as by lande: but to turne their victories to any honorable benefit, or true honor among men, they could never skill of it.  And if you doe except the battell against the barbarous people, in the plaine of MARATHON, the battell of SALAMINA, the jorney of PLATEES, the battell of THERMOPYLES, the battell Cimon fought about CIPRUS, and upon the river of Eurymedon: all the other warres and battels of GREECE that were made, fell out against them selves, and did ever bringe them into bondage: and all the tokens of triumphe which ever were set up for the same, was to their shame and losse.  So that in the end, GREECE was utterly destroyed and overthrowen, and that chiefly through the wickednes and selfe will of her 

<Plut3-268>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

governors and captaines of the cities, one envying an others doing. Where a straunge nation, the which (as it should seeme) had very small occasion to move them to do it (for that they have had no great familiarity with auncient GREECE, and through the counsel and good wisedome of the which it should seeme very straunge that GREECE, coulde receive any benefit) have notwithstanding with daungerous battels and infinite troubles, delivered it from oppression, and servitude, of violent Lordes and tyrans.  This, and such like talke, did at that time occupy the GREECIANS heades: and moreover, the deedes following did aunswer and performe the words of the proclamation.  For at one selfe time, Titus sent Lentulus into ASIA, to set the BARGYLIANS at liberty, & Titillius into THRACIA, to remove the garrisons out of the Iles and cities which Philip had kept there: and Publius Julius was sent also into ASIA, unto king Antiochus, to speake unto him to set the GREECIANS at liberty which he kept in subjection.  And as for Titus, he went him selfe unto the City of CHALCIDE, where he tooke sea, and went into the province of MAGNESIA, out of the which he tooke all the garrisons of the cities, and redelivered the government of the common wealth unto the citizens of the same.  Afterwards when time came, that the feast of Nemea was celebrated in the citie of ARGOS in the honor of Hercules, Titus was chosen judge and rector of the games that were plaied there: where, after he had set all thinges in very good order, pertaining unto the solemnity of the feast, he caused againe solemne to be made openly, for the generall libertyb of all GREECE.  Furthermore, visiting the cities, he did establishvery good lawes, reformed justice, and did set the inhabitants and citizens of everyone of them in good peace, amity, and concord one with an other: & did call home also all those that were outlawes and ban- 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-269>

ished men, and pacified all olde quarrells and dissentions amonge them. The which did no lesse please and content him, that by perswasions he could bring the GREECIANS to be reconciled one with the other: then if he had by force of armes overcome the MACEDONIANS.  Insomuch, as the recovery of the libertie whi Titus had restored unto the GREECIANS, seemed unto them the least parte of the goodnesse they had received at his handes.  They say, that Lycurgus the orator seeinge the collectors of taxes, cary Zenocrates the Philosopher one day to prison, for lacke of payment of a certaine imposition, which the straungers inhabiting within the citie of ATHENS were to pay: he rescued him from them by force, and moreover prosecuted law so hard against them, that he made them pay a fyne for the injury they had done unto so worthy a person.  And they tell, how the same Philosopher afterwardes meeting Lycurgus children in the city, sayed unto them.  I doe wel requite your fathers good turne he did me: for I am the cause that he is praised and commended of every man, for the kindenesse he shewed on my behalfe. So the good deedes of the ROMAINES, and of Titus Quintius Flaminius unto the GREECIANS, did not only reape this benefit unto them, in recompence that they were praised and honored of all the worlde: but they were cause also of increasinge their dominions and Empire+ over all nations, and that the worlde afterwardes had great affiance and trust in them, and that most justly.  So that the people and cities did not onely receive the Captaines and governors the ROMAINES sent them: but they also went to ROME unto them, and procured them to come, and did put them selves into their handes.  And not only the cities and communalties, but kings and princes also (which were oppressed by other more mighty than them selves) had no other refuge, but to put them selves under their protection: by 

<Plut3-270>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

reason whereof in a very shorte time (with the favor and helpe of the goddes as I am perswaded) all the world came to submit them selves to their obedience, and under the protecfion of their Empire+.  Titus also did glory more, that he had restored GREECE again unto liberty, then in any other service or exployte he had ever done.  For when he offered up unto the temple of Apollo in the citie of DELPHES, the targets of silver with his owne shielde, he made these verses to be graven upon them, in effect as followeth.

O noble twinnes Tyndarides, Dan Jove his children deare:
Throw out lowde shoutes of joy, and mirth, rejoyce and make good cheare.
0 noble kings of Spartan soyle, which take delight to ryde,
Your trampling steedes, with fomy byt, and trappinges by their side:
Rejoyce you now for Titus be, the valliant ROMAINE knight,
These giftes so great to you hath got, even by his force and might.
That having taken cleane away from of the Greekishe neckes,
The heavy yoke of servitude, which held them thrall to checkes,
Unto their former liberty, be hath restorde them free,
Which altogether perisht was, as men might plainely see.
     He gave a crowne of massie gold unto Apollo, uppon the which he made this inscription to be wrytten.
A valliant ROMAINE knight, even Titus by his name,
A captaine worthy by desert, of high renowne and fame:
To thee (Apollo god) this crowne of pure fine golde,
Hath given thy godhead to adorne, with juells manifolde,
Therefore let it thee please (Apollo god of grace)
With favor to requite this love, to him and to his race:
That his renowned fame, and vertu may be spred,
And blased through the worlde so wided, to shew what life he led.
     So hath the City of CORINTHE enjoyed this good hap- 
T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-271>

pe, that the GREECIANs have bene twise proclaimed to be set at liberty: the first time by Titus Quintius Flaminius, and the second time, by Nero in our time, and at the selfe same instant when they solemnly kept the feast called Isthmia.  Howheit the first proclamation of their liberty (as we have tolde ye before) was done by the voyce of a herauld: and the seconde time it was done by Nero him selfe, who proclaimed it in an oration he made unto the people in open assembly, in the market place of the City of CORINTHE.  But it was a longe time after.  Furthermore, Titus beganne then a goodly and just warre against Nabis, the cursed and wicked tyran of LACEDAEMON.  Howebeit in the ende he deceaved the expectation of GREECE. For when he might have taken him, he would not doe it, but made peace with him, forsakinge poore SPARTA unworthily oppressed under the yoke of bondage: either bicause he was afrayed that if the warre helde on, there shoulde come a successor unto him from ROME, that should cary the glory away to ende the same, or else he stoode jealous and envious of the honor they did unto Philopoemen.  Who having shewed him selfe in very place as excellent a Captaine as ever came in GREECE, and havinge done notable actes and famous service, both of great wisedome, and also of valliantnesse, and specialty in the ACHAIANS warre: he was as much honored and reverenced of the ACHAIANS, in the Theaters and common assemblies, even as Titus was.  Whereat Titus was marvelously offended, for he thought it unreasonable, that an ARCADIAN who had never bene generall of an army, but in small litle warres against his neighbours, should be as much esteemed and honored, as a Consull of ROME, that was come to make warres for the recovery of the libertie of GREECE.  But Titus alleaged reasonable excuse for his doinges, saying that he saw very well he 

<Plut3-272>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

coulde not destroy this tyran Nabis, without the great losse and misery of the other SPARTANS.  Furthermore, of all the honors the ACHAIANS ever did him (which were very great) me thinkes there was none that came neere any recompence of his honorable and well deserving, but one onely present they offered him, and which he above all the rest most esteemed: and this it was.  Duringe the seconde warres of AFRIKE, which the ROMAINES had against Hanniball, many ROMAINES were taken prisoners in the sundry battells they lost, and beinge solde here and there, remained slaves in many contries: & amongest other, there were dispersed in GREECE to the number of twelve hundred, which from time to time did move men with pitie and compassion towardes them, that saw them in so miserable chaunge and state of fortune. But then much more was their miserie to be pitied when these captives found in the ROMAINES army, some of them their sonnes, other their brethren, and the rest their fellowes & frendes, free, and conquerours, and them selves slaves and bondemen.  It grieved Titus much to see these poore men in such miserable captivity, notwithstanding he would not take them by force from those that had them.  Whereupon the ACHAIANS redeemed and bought them for five hundred pence a man, and havinge gathered them together into a troupe, they presented all the ROMAINE captives unto Titus, even as he was ready to take ship to returne into ITALIE: which present made him returne home with greater joy and contentacion, having received for his noble deedes so honorable a recompence, and worthy of him selfe, that was so loving a man to his citizens and contry.  And surely, that onely was the ornament (in my opinion) that did most beautifie his triumphe.  For these poor redeemed captives did that, which the slaves are wont to doe on that day when they be set at liberty: to witte, they shave 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-273>

their heades, and doe weare litle hattes apon them.  The ROMAINES that were thus redeemed, did in like maner: and so followed Titus charret, on the day of his triumphe and entrie made into ROME in the triumphing manner. It was a goodly sight also, to see the spoyles of the enemies, which were caried in the show of this triumphe: as, store of helmets after the GPEECIANS facion, heapes of targets, shieldes, and pykes after the MACEDONIAN manner, with a wonderfull summe of gold and silver.  For Itanus the historiographer writeth, that there was brought a marvelous great masse of treasure in niggots of golde, of three thousand seven hundred and thirteene pounde weight, and of silver, of forty three thousande, two hundred, three score and tenne pound weight, and of gold ready coyned in peeces called Philips foureteene thousand, five hundred, and foureteene, besides the thousand talents king Philip should pay for a raunsome.  The which summe, the ROMAINES afterwardes forgave him, chiefly at Titus sute and intercession, who procured that grace for him, and caused him to be called a frend and confederate of the people of ROME, and his sonne Demetrius to be sent unto him againe, who remained before as an hostage at ROME. {Antonio+} Shortely after, king Antiochus went out of ASIA into GREECE with a great fleete of shippes, and a very puisant army, to stirre up the cities to forsake their league and allyance with the ROMAINES, and to make a dissention amongest them. To further this his desire and enterprise, the AETOLIANS did aide and backe him, which of long time had borne great and secrete malice against the ROMAINES, and desired much to have had warres with them.  So they taught king Antiochus to say, that the warre which he tooke in hande, was to set the GREECIANS at liberty, whereof they had no neede, bicause they did already enjoy their liberty: but for that they had no just cause to make warre, they taught him to 

<Plut3-274>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

cloke it the honestest way he coulde.  Wherefore the ROMAINES fearinge greatly the rising of the people, and the rumor of the power of this great king, they sent thither Manius Acilius their generall, and Titus, one of his Lieutenaunts for the GREECIANS sakes.  Which arrivall did the more assure them that already bare good will to the ROMAINES, after they had once seene Manius and Titus: and the rest that beganne to flie out, and to shrinke from them, those Titus kept in obedience from starting, remembringe them of the frendship and good will they had borne him, even like a good skilfull phisitian that coulde geve his pacient phisicke to preserve him from a contageous disease.  In deede there were some (but fewe of them) that left him, which were won and corrupted before by the AETOLIANS: and though he had just cause of offence towardes them, yet he saved them after the battell. For king Antiochus being overcome in the contry of THERMOPYLES, fled his way, and in great hast tooke the sea to returne into ASIA.  And the Consull Manius following his victory, entred into the contry of the AETOLIANS, where he tooke certaine townes by force, and left the other for a pray unto kinge Philip.  So Philip kinge of MACEDON on the one side, spoyled and sacked the DOLOPIANS, the MAGNESIANS, the ATHAMANIANS, & the APERANTINES: and the Consull Manius on the other side destroyed the city of HERACLEA, & layed siege to the citie of NAUPACTUM, which the AETOLIANs kept. But Titus takinge compassion of them, to see the poore people of GREECE thus spoiled and turned out of all: went out of PELOPONNESUS (where he was then) unto Manius Acilius campe, and there reproved him for suffering king Philip to usurpe the benefit and reward of his honorable victory, still conqueringe many people, kings, & contries, whilest he continued siege before a city, and only to wreake his anger+ upon them.  Afterwardes, when they 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-275>

that were besieged saw Titus from their walles, they called him by his name, and helde up their handes unto him, prayinge him he would take pitie upon them: but he gave them never a word at that time, and turning his backe unto them, he fell a weeping.  Afterwards he spake with Manius, and appeasing his anger, got him to graunt the AETOLIANS truce for certaine dayes, in which time they might sende Ambassadors to ROME, to see if they could obtaine grace and pardon of the Senate.  But the most trouble and difficulty he had, was to intreate for the CHALCIDIANS, with whome the Consull Manius was more grievously offended, then with all the rest: bicause that kinge Antiochus after the warres was begonne, had maried his wife in their citie, when he was past yeares of mariage and out of all due time. For he was now very olde, and beinge in his extreame age, and in the middest of his warres, he fell in dotage with a young gentlewoman, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, the fayrest woman that was at that time in all GREECE. Therefore the CHALCIDIANS were much affected unto king Antiochus, and did put their city into his handes, to serve him in this warre, for a strong and safe retyring place.  Whereupon, when Antiochus had lost the battel, he came thither with all possible speede, and takinge from thence with him his passinge fayer younge Queene which he had maried, and his golde, his silver, and frendes, he tooke the seaes incontinently, and returned into ASIA.  For this cause the Consull Manius having wonne the battell, did marche straight with his army towardes the citie of CHALCIDE in a great rage and fury+.  But Titus that followed him, did alwayes lye uppon him to pacifie his anger, and did so much intreate him, together with the other ROMAINES of state and authoritie in counsell: that in the ende, he gotte him to pardone them of CHALCIDE also.  Who, bicause they were preserved from perill by this meanes, 

<Plut3-276>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

they, to recompence this fact of his, did consecrate unto him, all their most stately and sumptuous buildinges and common workes in their citie, as appeareth yet by the superscriptions remaininge to be seene at this day.  As in the show place of exercises:  The people of CHALCIDE did dedicate this show place of exercises, unto Titus and Hercules.  And in the temple called Delphinium:  The people of CHALCIDE did consecrate this temple, unto Titus, and unto Apollo.  And furthermore, unto this present time, there is a priest chosen by the voyce of the people, purposely to do sacrifice unto Titus: in which sacrifice, after that the thing sacrificed is offered up, and wine powred apon it, the people standing by, do sing a song of triumphe made in praise of him.  But bicause it were to long to wryte it all out, we have only drawen in briefe the latter end of the same: and this it is.

The cleare unspotted faith, of Romans we adore,
And vow to be their faithfull frendes, both now and ever more.
Sing out you Muses nyne, to Joves eternall fam
e, Sing out the honor due to Rome, and Titus worthy name
Sing out (I say) the praise, of Titus and his faith:
By whom you have preserved bene, from ruine, dole, and death.
     Now the CHALCIDIANs did not alone only honor and reverence Titus, but he was generally honored also by the GREECIANs as he deserved, and was marvelously beloved for his curtesie and good nature: which argueth plainely that they did not fainedly honor him, or through compulsion, but even from the hart.  For though there was some jarre betwixt him and Philopoemen at the first about service, for emulation of bonor, and after betwixt him and Diophanes also, both generalls of the ACHAIANS: yet he never bare them any malice in his hart, neither did his anger move him at any time to hurt them any way, but he ever ended the heate of his wordes, in coun- 
T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-277>

sell and assemblies, where he uttered his minde franckely to them both. Therefore none thought him ever a cruell man, or eger of revenge: but many have thought him rashe, and hasty of nature.  Otherwise, he was as good a companion in company as possibly could be, and would use as pleasaunt wise mirthe as any man.  As when he sayed to the ACHAIANS, on a time, who would needes unjustly usurpe the Ile of the ZACYNTHIANS, to disswade them from it: my Lordes of ACHAIA, if ye once goe out of PELOPONNESUS, you put your selves in daunger, as the torteyses doe, when they thrust their heades out of their shell.  And the first time he parled with Philip to treate of peace: when Philip said unto him, you have brought many men with you, and I am come alone.  In deede it is true you are alone, sayd he, bicause you made all your frendes and kinne to be slaine.  An other time, Dinocrates MESSENIAN being in ROME, after he had taken in his cuppes in a feast where he was, he disguised him selfe in womans apparell, and daunced in that manner: and the next day followings he went unto Titus, to pray him to helpe him through with his sute, which was, to make the citie of MESSINA to rebel, and leave the tribe of the ACHAIANs.  Titus made him aunswer that he would thinke upon it: but I can but wonder at you (sayd he) howe you can daunce in womans apparell, and singe at a feast, havinge such matters of weight in your head.  In the counsell of the ACHAIANs, king Antiochus ambassadors beinge come thither, to move them to breake their league with the ROMAINES, and to make alliance with the king their master, they made a marvelous large discourse of the great multitude of souldiers that were in their masters army, & did number them by many diverse names.  Whereunto Titus aunswered, and tolde how a frend of his having bidden him one night to supper, and having served so many dishes of meate to his bord, as he 

<Plut3-278>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

was angry with him for bestowing so great cost apon him, as wonderinge howe he could so sodainely get so much store of meate, and of so diverse kindes.  My frende sayed to me againe, that all was but porke dressed so many wayes with so sundry sawces.  And even so (quod Titus) my Lords of ACHAIA, esteeme not king Antiochus army the more to heare of so many men of armes, numbred with their launces, and of such a number of footemen with their pykes: for they are all but SYRIANS diversely armed only with ill favored litle weapons.  Furthermore, after Titus had done these thinges, & that the warre with Antiochus was ended, he was chosen Censor at ROME, with the sonne of that same Marcellus, who had bene five times Consul]. This office is of great dignitie, and as a man may say, the crowne of all the honors that a citizen of ROME can have in their common wealth.  They put of the Senate, foure men only: but they were not famous.  They did receive all into the number of citizens of ROME, that would present them selves to be enrolled in their common regester: with a proviso, that they were borne free by father & mother.  They were compelled to doe it, by Terentius Culeo, Tribune of the people, who to despight the nobility, perswaded the people of ROME to commaunde it so.  Nowe at that time, two of the noblest and most famous men of ROME were great enemies one against an other:  Publius Scipio AFRICAN, and Marcus Porcius Cato. of these two, Titus named Publius Scipio AFRICAN, to be prince of the Senate, as the chiefest and worthiest persone in the citie: and got the displeasure of the other, which was Cato, by this mishappe.  Titus had a brother called Lucius Quintius Flaminius, nothing like unto him in condition at all: for he was so dissolutely and licentiously given over to his pleasure, that he forgatte all comlinesse and honesty. {effeminacy+}.  This Lucius loved well a younge boy, and caried him 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-279>

alwayes with him when he went to the warres, or to the charge and government of any province.  This boy flattering him, one day sayd unto Lucius Quintius, that he loved him so well, that he did leave the sight of the Swordplayers at the sharpe, which were making ready to the fight, although he had never seene man killed before: to waite upon him.  Lucius being very glad of the boyes wordes, aunswered him straight, thou shalt loose nothing for that my boy, for I will by and by please thee as well.  So he commaunded a condemned man to be fetched out of prison, and withall called for the hangman, whome he willed to strike of his head in the middest of his supper, that the boy might see him killed.  Valerius Antias the historiographer wryteth, that it was not for the love of the boy, but of a woman which he loved. But Titus Livius declareth, that in an oration which Cato him selfe made, it was wrytten, that it was one of the GAULES: who beinge a traitor to his contry men, was come to Flaminius gate with his wife and children, and that Flaminius making him come into his halle, killed him with his owne handes, to please a boy he loved, that was desirous to see a man killed. Howebeit it is very likely that Cato wrote in this sorte, to aggravate the offence, and to make it more cruell.  For, many have wrytten it that it is true, and that he was no traitor, but an offendor condemned to dye: and amonge other, Cicero the orator doth recite it in a booke he made of age, where he made it to be tolde unto Catoes owne persone.  Howesoever it was, Marcus Cato being chosen Censor, and clensing the Senate of all unworthy persones, he put of the same Lucius Quintius Flaminius, although he bad bene Consull: which disgrace did seeme to redowne to his brother Titus Quintius Flaminius also.  Whereupon both the brethren came weping with all humility before the people, and made a petition that seemed very reason- 

<Plut3-280>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

able and civill: which was that they would commaunde Cato to come before them, to declare the cause openly why he had with such open shame defaced so noble a house as theirs was.  Cato then without delay, or shrinking backe, came with his companion into the market place, where he asked Titus out alowde, if he knew nothing of the supper where such a fact was committed. Titus aunswered, he knewe not of it.  Then Cato opened all the whole matter as it was, and in the ende of his tale, he bad Lucius Quintius sweare openly, if he would deny that he had sayed was true.  Lucius aunswered not a worde. Whereuppon the people judged the shame was justly layed upon him: and so to honor Cato, they did accompany him from the pulpit for orations, home unto his owne house.  But Titus beinge much offended at the disgrace of his brother, became enemy to Cato, and fell in with those that of long time had hated him.  And so by practise he procured of the Senate, that all bargaines of leases, and all deedes of sales made by Cato during his office, were called in, and made voyde: and caused many sutes also to be commenced against him.  Wherein, I can not say he did wisely or civilly, to become mortall enemy to an honest man, a good citizen, and duetifull in his office for his yeare, but unworthy kinseman, who had justly deserved the shame layed upon him.  Notwithstanding, shortely after when the people were assembled in the Theater to see games played, and the Senators were set according to their custome, in the most honorable places:  Lucius Flaminius came in also, who in lowly and humble maner went to sit downe in the furthest seates of the Theater, without regard of his former honor: which when the people saw, they tooke pity of him, and could not abide to see him thus dishonored.  So they cried out to have him come and sit among the other Senators the Consulls, who made him place, and 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-281>

received him accordingly.  But to returne againe to Titus.  The naturall ambition and covetous greedy minde he had of honor was very well taken and esteemed, so long as he had any occasion offered him to exercise it in the warres, which we have spoken of before. {Hotspur+} For, after he had bene Consull, of his owne seeking he became a Colonell of a thousand footemen, not being called to it by any man.  So when he beganne to stoupe for age, and that he had given over as a man at the last cast, to beare office any longer in the state: they saw plainely he was ambitious beyond measure, to suffer himselfe in olde age to be overcome with such youthfull violence, beinge farre unmeete for any of his yeares.  For me thinkes his ambition was the only cause that moved him to procure Hannibals death, which bred him much disliking and ill opinion with many.  For, after Hanniball had fled out of his owne contry, he went first unto king Antiochus: who, after he lost the battel in PHRYGIA, was glad the ROMAINES graunted him peace with such conditions as them selves would.  Wherefore Hanniball fled againe from him, and after he had long wandered up and downe, at the length he came to the realme of BITHYNIA, and remained there about king Prusias, the ROMAINES knowinge it well enough: and bicause Hanniball was then an olde broken man, of no force nor power, and one whome fortune had spurned at her feete, they made no more reckening of him.  But Titus being sent Ambassador by the Senate, unto Prusias kinge of BITHYNIA, and finding Hanniball there, it grieved him to see him alive.  So that notwithstanding Prusias marvelously entreated him, to take pitie apon Hanniball a poore old man, and his frend who came to him for succor: yet he coulde not perswade Titus to be content he should live.  Hanniball long before had received aunswer of his death from an oracle, to this effect. 

<Plut3-282>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS
The lande of Lybia shall cover under mowlde,
The valliant corps of Hanniball, when be is dead and olde.
     So Hanniball understoode that of LYBIA, as if he should have dyed in AFRICKE, and bene buried in CARTHAGE.  There is a certaine sandy contry in BITHYNIA neere to the seaes side, where there is a litle village called LIBYSSA, and where Hanniball remained continually. He mistrusting king Prusias faynte harte, and fearing the ROMAINES malice also, had made seven privy caves and vaultes under grounde longe before, that he might secretly go out at either of them which way he woulde, and every one of them came to the maine vault where him selfe did lye, and coulde not be discerned outwardly.  When it was tolde him that Titus had willed Prusias to deliver him into his handes, he sought then to save him selfe by those mynes: but he found that all the ventes out, had watch and ward apon them by the kinges commaundement.  So then he determined to kill him selfe.  Now some say, that he wounde a linnen towell harde about his necke, and commaunded one of his men he should set his knee upon his buttocke, and waying hard upon him, holding the towell fast he should pull his necke backeward with all the power and strength he could, & never linne pressing on him, till he had strangled him.  Other say that he drancke bulles blood, as Midas and Themistocles had done before him.  But Titus Livius wryteth, that he had poyson which he kept for such a purpose, and tempered it in a cuppe he helde in his handes, and before he dranke, he spake these wordes. Come on, let us deliver the ROMAINES of this great care, sith my life is so grievous to them, that they thinke it to long to tary the naturall death of a poore old man, whom they hate so much: and yet Titus by this shall winne no honorable victorie, nor worthi          e the memorie of the aun- 
T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-283>

cient ROMAINES, who advertised king Pyrrus their enemy, even when he made warres with them, and had wonne battels of them, that he should beware of poysoning which was intended towards him.  And this was Hanniballs ende, as we finde it written.  The newes whereof being come to ROME unto the Senate, many of them thought Titus to violent and cruell, to have made Hanniball kill him selfe in that sorte, when extreamity of age had overcome him already, and was as a birde left naked, her feathers fallinge from her for age: and so much the more, bicause there was no instant occasion offered him to urge him to doe it, but a covetous minde of honor, for that he would be chronicled to be the cause and author of Hanniballs death.  And then in contrariwise they did much honor & commend the clemency and noble minde of Scipio AFRICAN.  Who having overcomen Hanniball in battell, in AFRICKE selfe, and being then in deede to be feared, and had bene never overcome before: yet he did not cause him to be driven out of his contry, neither did aske him of the CARTHAGINIANS, but both then, & before the battel, when he parled with him of peace, he tooke Hanniball curteously by the hand, and after the battell, in the condicions of peace he gave them, he never spake word of hurt to Hanniballs person, neither did he shew any cruelty to him in his misery.  And they tell how afterwardes they met againe together in the city of EPHESUS, and as they were walkinge, that Hanniball tooke the upper hand of Scipio: and that Scipio bare it paciently, and left not of walking for that, neither shewed any countenaunce of misliking.  And in entering into discourse of many matters, they descended in the ende to talke of auncient Captaines: and Hanniball gave judgement, that Alexander the great was the famousest Captaine, Pyrrus the second, and him selfe the thirde.  Then Scipio smilinge, gently asked him: what wouldest thou 

<Plut3-284>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS

say then, if I had not overcome thee?  Truely, quod Hanniball, I would not then put my selfe the third man, but the first, and above all the Captaines that ever were.  So divers greatly commending the goodly sayinges and deedes of Scipio, did marvelously mislike Titus, for that he had (as a man may say) layed his handes upon the death of an other man.  Other to the contrary againe sayd, it was well done of him, sayinge, that Hanniball so longe as he lived, was a fire to the Empire of the ROMAINES, which lacked but one to blow it: and that when he was in his best force and lusty age, it was not his hande nor body that troubled the ROMAINES, so much, but his great wisedome and skill he had in the warres, and the mortall hate he bare in his hart towardes the ROMAINES, which neither yeares, neither age would diminishe or take away.  For mens naturall condicions do remaine still, but fortune doth not alwayes keepe in a state, but chaungeth stil, and then quickeneth up our desires to set willingly uppon those that warre against us, bicause they hate us in their hartes.  The thinges which fell out afterwardes, did greatly prove the reasons brought out for this purpose, in discharge of Titus.  For one Aristonicus, sonne of a daughter of a player upon the citherne, under the fame and glory of Eumenes, whose bastard he was, filled all ASIA with warre and rebellion, by reason the people rose in his favor.  Againe Mithridates, after so many losses he had received against Sylla and Fimbria, and after so many armies overthrowen by battell and warres, and after so many famous Captaines lost and killed: did yet recover againe, and came to be of great power both by sea and land against Lucullus.  Truely Hannibal was no lower brought then Caius Marius had bene. For he had a king to his frend, that gave him entertainment for him & his family, and made him Admirall of his shippes,  and Generall of his horsemen and

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS           <Plut3-285>

footemen in the field.  Marius also went up and down AFRICKE begging for his living, insomuch as his enemies at ROME mocked him to scorne: and soone after notwithstanding they fell downe at his feete before him, when they saw they were whipped, murthered, & slaine within ROME by his commaundement.  Thus we see no man can say certainely he is meane or great, by reason of the uncertainty of thinges to come: consideringe there is but one death, and chaunge of better life. {bucket+} Some say also, that Titus did not this act alone, and of his owne authority: but that he was sent Ambassador with Lucius Scipio to no other end, but to put Hanniball to death, by what meanes soever they could.  Furthermore after this Ambassade, we do not finde any notable thing written of Titus worthy of memory, neither in peace, nor in warres.  For he died quietely of naturall death at home in his contrie.


It is time nowe we come to compare them together.  Therefore as touchinge the great benefits that came to the GREECIANS, neither Philopoemen, nor all the other former Captaines are to be compared with Titus.  For all the auncient Captaines almost being GREECIANS, made warres+ with other GREECIANS: but Titus beinge a ROMAINE, and no GREECIAN, made warres for the liberty of GREECE.  When Philopoemen was not able to helpe his poore citizens distressed sore, and vexed with warres, he sayled away into CRETA.  Titus having overcome Philip kinge of MACEDON in battell, did restore againe to liberty all the people and cities of the same, which were kept before in bondage.  And if any wil narrowly examine the battells of either partie: they shall finde, that 

<Plut3-286>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS & PHILOPOEMEN

Philopoemen being Generall of the ACHAIANS, made more GREECIANS to be slaine, then Titus did of the MACEDONIANS, fightinge with them for the liberty of the GREECIANS.  And for their imperfections, the one of them was ambitious, the other was as obstinate: the one was quicke and sodainly angered+, the other was very hard to be pacified.  Titus left kinge Philip his realms and crowne after he had overcome him, & used great clemency towardes the AETOLIANS: where Philopomen for spite, and malice, tooke townes and villages from his owne native contry, and city, wherein he was borne, that had alwayes payed them tribute.  Furthermore, Titus continued a sounde frend+ to them, to whome he had once professed frendshippe, and done pleasure unto: and Philopoemen, in a geare and anger+, was ready to take away that he had given, and to overthrow the pleasure and good turne he had shewed. For Philopoemen when he had done the LACEDAEMONIANS great pleasure, did afterwards rase the walls of their city, and spoyled and destroyed all their contry: and lastly, overthrew their whole government.  It seemeth also by reason of his immoderate choller, he was him selfe cause of his owne death, for that he made more hast then good speede, to go out of time to set upon those of MESSINA: and not as Titus, who did all his affaires with wisedome, & ever considered what was best to be done. {Hotspur+} But if we looke into the number of battells, and victories: the warre which Titus made against Philip was ended with two battells.  Whereas Philopoemen in infinite battells in which he had the better, never left it doutfull, but that his skill did ever helpe him the more to victory, then the good fortune he had.  Moreover, Titus wanne honor by meanes of the power of ROME, when it florished most, and was in best prosperitie:  Philopamen made him selfe famous by his deedes, when GREECE beganne to stoupe and fall all together.  So that the deedes of the one, were common to all the 

T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS & PHILOPOEMEN           <Plut3-287>

ROMAINES: and the dedes of the other, were private to himselfe alone. For Titus was General over good and valliant souldiers, that were already trained to his hand: and Philopoemen being chosen Generall, did traine his men him selfe, and made them afterwards very expert and valliant, that were but meane and greene souldiers before.  And whereas Philopoemen had continuall warres with the GREECIANS, it was not for any good fortune he had, but that it made a certaine proofe of his valliantnesse.  For where all other thinges are aunswerable to his, there we must judge that such as overcome, have the most corage.  Now Philopoemen making warres with the most warlike nations of all GREECE, (as the CRETANS), and the LACEDMONIANS did overcome the subtillest of them, by finenesse and policy: and the most valliant, by prowes and hardinesse.  But Titus overcame, by putting that only in practise, which was already found and stablished: as the discipline of the warres, and order of battell, in the which his souldiers had longe before bene trained. {Hotspur+} Whereas Philopoemen brought into his contry, both the one and the other, and altered all the order which before they were accustomed unto.  So that the chiefest point how to winne a battell, was found out a new, and brought in by the one, into a place where it was never before: and onely employed by the other, which could very good skill to use it, and had founde it out already before.  Againe, touching the valliant actes done in the person of themselves, many notable actes may be told of Philopoemen, but none of Titus: but rather to the contrary.  For there was one Archedemus an AETOLIAN, who flowtinge Titus one day, sayd in his reproche: that at a day of battell, when Philopoemen ranne with his sword in his hande, to that side where he saw the MACEDONIANS fighting, and making hed against the enemy, Titus held up his hands unto heaven, and was busie at his prayers to the gods, not stirring one foote, when it was more time to handle

<Plut3-288>            T.  Q.  FLAMINIUS & PHILOPOEMEN

the sword, and to fight of all handes.  All the goodly deedes Titus ever did, were done alwaies as a Consul, or Lieutenant, or a Magistrate: whereas Philopoemen shewed him selfe unto the ACHAIANS, a man no lesse valliant, and of execution, being out of office, then when he was a Generall.  For when he was a Generall, he did drive Nabis the tyran of the LACEDMONIANS out of MESSINA, and delivered the MESSENIANS out of bondage: and being a private man, he shut the gates of the city of SPARTA, in the face of Diophanes (Generall of the ACHAIANS) and of Titus Quintius Flaminius, and kept them both from comminge in, and thereby saved the city from sacking. Thus being borne to commaunde, he knew not only how to commaunde according to the law, but could commaund the law it selfe apon necessity, and when the common wealth required it.  For at such a time he would not tary, while the Magistrates which should governe him, did geve him authority to commaund, but he tooke it of him selfe, and used them when the time served: esteeming him in deede their Generall, that knew better then they what was to be done, then him whom they chose of them selves. {Hal+} And therefore they doe well, that doe commende Titus actes, for his clemency, and curtesie, used to the GREECIANS: but much more the noble & valliant actes of Philopoemen unto the ROMAINES.  For it is much easier to pleasure & gratifie the weake, then it is to hurt and resist the strong.  Therfore, sithence we have throughly examined, and compared the one with the other: it is very harde to judge altogether the difference that is betwene them. Peradventure therefore the judgement woulde not seeme very ill, if we doe geve the GREECIAN, for discipline of warre, the preheminence and praise of a good Captaine: and to the ROMAINE, for justice and clemency, the name and dignity of a most just and curteous gentleman.

The ende of Titus Ouintius Flaminius lifel


The Life of Pyrrus+

IT is written, that since Noes floud, the first king of the THESPROTIANS, and of the MOLOSSIANS, was Phaeton, one of those who came with Pelasgus, into the realme of EPIRUS.  But some say otherwise, that Deucalion, and his wife Pyrra remained there, after they had built and founded the temple of Dodone, in the contry of the MOLOSSIANS.  But howsoever it was, a great while after that, Neoptolemus the sonne of Achilles, bringing thither a great number of people with him, conquered the contry, and after him left a succession of kinges, which were called after his name, the Pyrrides: bicause that from his infancy he was surnamed Pyrrus, as much to say, as redde: and one of his legittimate sonnes whom he had by Lanassa, the daughter of Cleodes, the sonne of Hillus, was also named by him Pyrrus.  And this is the cause why Achilles is honored as a god in EPIRUS, beinge called in their language, Aspetos, that is to say, mighty, or very

<Plut3-290>            PYRRUS

great.  But from the first kinges of that race untill the time of Tharrytas, there is no memory nor mencion made of them, nor of their power that reigned in the meane time, bicause they all became very barbarous, and utterly voyde of civility.  Tharrytas was in deede the first that beautfied the cities of his contry with the GRECIAN tongue, brought in civill lawes and customes, and made his name famous to the posterity that followed.  This Tharrytas left a sonne called Alcetas, of Alcetas came Arymbas, of Arymbas & Troiade his wife, came AEacides, who maried Phthia, the daughter of Menon THESSALIAN:  A famous man in the time of the warres surnamed Lamiacus, and one that had farre greater authority then any other of the confederates, after Leosthenes.  This AEacides had two daughters by his wife Phthia, to say, Deidamia and Troiade, and one sonne called Pyrrus.  In bis time the MOLOSSIANS rebelled, drave him out of his kingdome, and put the crowne into the hands of the sonnes of Neoptolemus.  Whereupon all the frends of AEacides that could be taken, were generally murdered, and slaine outright. Androclides, and Angelus in the meane time stale away Pyrrus, being yet but a suckling babe (whome his enemies neverthelesse egerly sought for to have destroyed) and fled away with him as fast as possibly they might, with few servauntes, his nurses and necessary women only to looke to the childe, and give it sucke: by reason whereof their flight was much hindered, so as they could go no great jorneys, but that they might easily be overtaken by them that followed.  For which cause they put the childe into the handes of Androclion, Hippias, & Neander, three lusty young men, whome they trusted with him, & commaunded them to runne for life to a certaine citie of MACEDON, called MEGARES: and they them selves in the meane time, partely by intreaty, & partely by force, made stay of those that followed them till night.  So as with much 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-291>

a doe havinge driven them backe, they ranne after them that caried the childe Pyrrus, whom they overtooke at sunne set.  And now wening they had bene safe, and out of all daunger: they found it cleane contrary.  For when they came to the river under the towne walles of MEGARES, they saw it so rough and swift, that it made them afrayed to beholde it: and when they gaged the forde, they found it unpossible to wade through, it was so sore risen and troubled with the fall of the raine, besides that the darkenesse of the night made every thing seeme feareful unto them.  So as they now that caried the child, thought it not good to venter the passage over of themselves alone, with the women that tended the childe: but hearing certaine contrymen on the other side, they prayed and besought them in the name of the goddes, that they would helpe them to passe over the child, showing Pyrrus unto them a farre of.  But the contrymen by reason of the roaringe of the river understoode them not.  Thus they continued a longe space, the one cryinge, the other lystning, yet could they not understand one an other, til at the last one of the company bethought him selfe to pill of a peece of the barke of an oke, and upon that he wrote with the tongue of a buckle, the hard fortune and necessity of the childe.  Which he tyed to a stone to geve it weight, and so threw it over to the other side of the river: other say that he did pricke the barke through with the point of a dart which he cast over.  The contrymen on the other side of the river, havinge red what was wrytten, & understanding thereby the present daunger the childe was in: felled downe trees in all the hast they could possibly, bounde them together, and so passed over the river.  And it fortuned that the first man of them that passed over, and tooke the child, was called Achilles: the residue of the contrymen passed over also, and tooke the other that came with the childe, and conveyed them over 

<Plut3-292>            PYRRUS

as they came first to hand.  And thus having escaped their hands, by easie jorneys they came at the length unto Glaucias king of ILLYRIA, whom they found in his house sitting by his wife: and layed downe the childe in the middest of the flower before him.  The king hereuppon stayed a long time without uttering any one word, waying with him selfe what was best to be done: bicause of the feare he had of Cassander, a mortall enemy of AEacides.  In the meane time, the childe Pyrrus creeping of all foure, tooke hold of the kinges gowne, and scrawled up by that, and so got up on his feete against the kings knees.  At the first, the king laughed to see the childe: but after it pitied him againe, bicause the child seemed like an humble suter that came to seeke sanctuary in his armes.  Other say that Pyrrus came not to Glaucias, but unto the alter of the familiar gods, alongest the which he got up on his feete, and embraced it with both his hands. Which Glaucias imagining to be done by gods providence, presently delivered the childe to his wife, gave her the charge of him, and willed her to see him brought up with his owne.  Shortely after, his enemies sent to demaunde the childe of him: & moreover, Cassander caused two hundred talents to be offered him, to deliver the childe Pyrrus into his handes.  Howebeit Glaucias would never graunt thereunto, but contrarily, when Pyrrus was comen to twelve yeares olde, brought him into his contry of EPIRUS with an army, and stablished him king of the realme againe.  Pyrrus had a great majesty in his countenaunce, but yet in deede more feareful then frendly. He had also no teeth in his upper jawe that stoode distinctly one from an other, but one whole bone through out bis gomme, marked a litle at the top only, with certaine riftes in the place where the teeth should be devided. Men helde opinion also, that he did heale them that were sicke of the splene, by sacrificinge a white cocke, 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-293>

and touchinge the Place of the splene on the left side of them that were sicke, softely with his right foote, they lying on their backes: and there was not so poore nor simple a man that craved this remedy of him, but he gave it him, and tooke the cocke he sacrificed, for reward of the remedy, which pleased him very well.  They say also that the great toe of his right foote had some secrete vertue in it.  For when he was dead, and that they had burnt all partes of his body, and consumed it to ashes: his great toe was whole, and had no hurt at all.  But of that, we will wryte more hereafter.  Now, when he was seventeene yeares of age, thinking him selfe sure enough of his kingdome, it chaunced him to make a jorney into ILLYRIA where he maried one of Glaucias daughters, with whom he had bene brought up.  But his backe was no sooner turned, but the MOLOSSIANS rebelled againe against him, and drave out his frends, and servaunts, and destroyed all his goods, and yelded themselves unto his adversary Neoptolemus.  King Pyrrus having thus lost his kingdom, and seeing him self forsaken on all sides, went to Demetrius (Antigonus sonne) that had maried his sister Deidamia, who in her young age was assured to Alexander, the sonne of Alexander the great, and of Roxane, and was called his wife.  But when all that race was brought to wicked ende, Demetrius then maried her, being come to full and able age.  And in that great battell which was striken neere to the citie of Hipsus, where all the kinges fought together, Pyrrus being then but a young man, and with Demetrius, put them all to flight that fought with him, and was worthely reputed for the vailliantest prince amongest them all.  Furthermore, when Demettius was overcome, and had lost the battell: Pyrrus never forsooke him, but faithfully did keepe for him the cities of GREECE, which he put into his hands.  And afterwards when peace was concluded 

<Plut3-294>            PYRRUS

betwixt Demetrius & Ptolomie, Pyrrus was sent an ostage for Demetrius into the realme of AEGYPTE: where he made Ptolomie know (both in huntinge, and in other exercises of his persone) that he was very strong, harde, and able to endure any labor.  Furthermore perceiving that Berenice amongest all king Ptolemies wives, was best beloved and esteemed of her husbande, both for her vertue and wisedome: he beganne to entertaine and honor her above all the rest.  For he was a man that could tell how to humble him selfe towardes the great (by whom he might winne benefit+) and knewe also how to creepe into their credit: & in like manner was he a great scorner and despiser of such as were his inferiors. {climber+} Moreover, for that he was found marvelous honorable and of fayer condicion he was preferred before all other young princes, to be the husbande of Antigona, the daughter of Queene Berenice whom she had by Philip, before she was maried unto Ptolomie. From thenceforth growing through the allyance of that mariage, more and more into estimacion and favor by meanes of his wife Antigona, who shewed her selfe very vertuous and loving towardes him: he found meanes in the ende, to get both men and money to returne againe into the realme of EPIRUS, and to conquer it: so was he then very well received of the people, and the better, for the malice they bare to Neoptolemus, bicause he delt both hardly & cruelly with them.  That notwithstandinge, Pyrrus fearinge least Neoptolemm would repaire unto some of the other kings, to seeke ayde against him thought good to make peace with him.  Whereupon it was agreed betwene them, that they should both together be kinges of EPIRUS.  But in processe of time, some of their men secretly made strife againe betwene them, and set them at defyance one with an other: and the chiefest cause as it is sayed, that angered Pyrrus most, grew apon this.  The kinges of EPIRUS had an auncient 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-295>

custome of great antiquity, after they had made solenme sacrifice unto Jupiter Martiall, (in a certaine place in the province of MOLOSSIDE, called PASSARON) to take their othe, and to be sworne to the EPIROTES, that they would raigne well and justly, accordinge to the lawes & ordinaunces of the contry: and to receive the subjecies othes interchaungeablv also, that they would defend and maintaine them in their kingdome, according to the lawes in like maner.  This ceremony was done in the presence of both the kinges, and they with their frendes did both geve and receive presentes {gifts+} eche of other.  At this meetinge and solemnity amonge other, one Gelon a most faithfull servaunt and assured frend unto Neoptolemus, who besides great showes of frendshippe and honor he did unto Pyrrus, gave him two payer of drought oxen, which one Myrtilus a cuppebearer of Pyrrus beinge present, and seeinge, did crave of his master.  But Pyrrus denyed to geve them unto him whereat Myrtilus was very angry.  Gelon perceivinge that Myrtilus was angry, prayed him to suppe with him that night.  Now some say, he sought to abuse Myrtilus, bicause he was fayer and younge: and beganne to perswade him after supper to take parte with Neoptolemus, and to poyson Pyrrus.  Myrtilus made as thoudh he was willing to geve eare to this perswasion, and to be well pleased withall.  But in the meane time, he went and tolde his master of it, by whose commaundement he made Alexicrates, Pyrrus chiefe cuppebearer, to talke with Gelon about this practise, as though he had also geven his consent to it, and was willinge to be partaker of the enterprise.  This did Pyrrus to have two wimesses, to prove the pretended poysoninge of him.  Thus Gelon beinge finely deceived, & Neoptolemus also with him, both imagininge they had cunningly sponne the threde of their treason:  Neoptolemus was so glad of it, that he could not kepe it to him 

<Plut3-296>            PYRRUS

selfe, but told it to certaine of his frendes.  And on a time going to be mery with his sister, he could not keepe it in, but must be pratling of it to her, supposing no body had heard him but her selfe, bicause there was no living creature neere them, saving Phoenareta Samons wife, the kinges chiefe heardman of all his beastes, and yet she was layed apon a litle bed by, and turned towards the wall: so that she seemed as though she had slept.  But having heard all their talke, and no body mistrusting her: the next morning she went to Antigona king Pyrrus wife, and told her every worde what she had heard Neoptolemus say to his sister.  Pyrrus hearing this, made no countenaunce of any thing at that time.  But havinge made sacrifice unto the goddes, he bad Neoptolemus to supper to his house, where he slue him, being well informed before of the good will the chiefest men of the realme did beare him, who wished him to dispatch Neoptolemus, and not to content him selfe with a peece of EPIRUS only, but to follow his naturall inclination, being borne to great thinges: and for this cause therefore, this suspition fallinge out in the meane while, he prevented Neoptolemus, and slue him first.  And furthermore, remembringe the pleasures he had received of Ptolomie and Berenice, he named his first sonne by his wife Antigona, Ptolomie, and having built a city in the PRESCQUE, an Ile of EPIRUS, did name it BERENICIDA.  When he had done that, imagining great matters in his head, but more in his hope, he first deterned with him selfe howe to winne that which lay neerest unto him: and so tooke occasion by this meanes, first to set foote into the Empire of MACEDON.  The eldest sonne of Cassander, called Antipater, put his owne mother Thessalonica to death, & drove his brother Alexander out of his owne contry, who sent to Demetrius for helpe, and called in Pyrrus also to his ayde.  Demetrims being troubled with other matters, could not so quickely 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-197>

go thither.  And Pyrrus being arrived there, demaunded for his charge susteined, the citie of NYMPAEA, with all the sea coastes of MACEDON: and besides all that, certaine landes also that were not belonginge to the auncient crowne and revenues of the kinges of MACEDON, but were added unto it by force of armes, as Ambracia, Acarnania, and Amphilobia.  All these, the young king Alexander leavinge unto him, he tooke possession thereof, and put good garrisons into the same in his owne name: and conquering the rest of MACED0N in the name of Alexander, put his brother Antipater to great distresse.  In the meane time kinge Lysimachus lacked no good will to helpe Antipater with his force, but being busied in other matters, had not the meane to doe it.  Howbeit knowinge yery well that Pyrrus in acknowledginge the great pleasures he had received of Ptolomie, woulde deny him nothinge: he determined to wryte counterfeate letters to him in Ptolomies name, and thereby instantly to pray and require him to leave of the warres begonne against Antipater, and to take of him towardes the defrayinge of his charges, the summe of three hundred talentes.  Pyrrus opening the letters, knew straight that this was but a fetch and devise of Lysimachus.  For king Ptolomies common manner of greeting of him, which he used at the beginning of his letters, was not in them observed:  To my sonne Pyrrus, health.  But in those counterfeate was, king Ptolomie, unto king Pyrrus, health.  Whereupon he presently pronounced Lysimachus for a naughty man: neverthelesse, afterwardes he made peace with Antipater, and they met together at a day appointed, to be sworne upon the sacrifices unto the articles of peace.  There were three beastes brought to be sacrificed, a goate, a bul, and a ramme: of the which, the ramme fell downe dead of him selfe before he was touched, whereat all the standers by fell a laughinge.  But there was a 

<Plut3-298>            PYRRUS

Soothsayer, one Theodotus, that perswaded Pyrrus not to sweare: saying that this signe and token of the gods did threaten one of the three kings with sodaine death.  For which cause Pyrrus concluded no peace.  Now Alexanders warres being ended, Demetrius notwithstanding came to him, knowing well enough at his coming that Alexander had no more neede of his aide, and that he did it only but to feare him.  They had not bene many dayes together, but thone beganne to mistrust thother, and to spie all the wayes they could to intrappe eche other: but Demetrius embracing the first occasion offered, prevented Alexander, and slue him, being a young man, and proclaimed him selfe king of MACEDON in his roome.  Now Demetrius had certaine quarrels before against Pyrrus, bicause he had overrunne the contry of THESSALIE: and furthermore, greedy covetousnes to have the more (which is a common vice with princes and noble men) made, that being so neere neighbours, the one stoode in feare and mistrust of the other, and yet much more after the death of Deidamia.  But now that they both occupied all MACEDON betwene them, and were to make division of one selfe kingdome.  Now I say began the matter and occasion of quarrel, to grow the greater betwene them.  Whereupon Demetrius went with his army to set apon the AETOLIANS, and havinge conquered the contry, left Pantauchus his Lieutenaunt there with a great army: and him selfe in person in the meane time, marched against Pyrrus, and Pyrrus on thother side against him.  They both missed of meetinge, and Demetrius goinge on further on the one side, entred into the realme of EPIRUS, and brought a great spoyle away with him:  Pyrrus on the other side marched on, till he came to the place where Pantauchus was.  To whome he gave battell, and it was valliantly fought out betwene the souldiers of either party, but specially betwene the two Generalls:  For dout- 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-299>

lesse, Pantauchus was the valliantest Captaine, the stowtest man, and of the greatest experience in armes, of a the Captaines and souldiers Demetrius had.  Whereupon, Pantauchus trusting in his strength & corage, advaunced him selfe forwardes, and lustely chalenged the combat of Pyrrus.  Pyrrus on the other side being inferior to no king in valliantnes, nor in desire to winne honor, as he that would ascribe unto himselfe the glory of Achilles, more for the imitacion of his valliancy, then for that he was descended of his blood: passed through the middest of the battell unto the first rancke, to buckle with Pantauchus.  Thus they beganne to charge one an other, first with their dartes, and then comming nearer, fought with their swordes, not only artificially, but also with great force and fury: untill such time as Pyrrus was hurte in one place, and he hurte Pantauchus in two. The one neere unto his throte and the other in his legge: so as in the ende Pyrrus made him tume his backe, and threw him to the ground, but neverthelesse killed him not.  For, so soone as he was downe, his men tooke him, and czried him away.  But the EPIROTES encoraged by the victory of their kinge, and the admiration of his valliantnesse, stucke to it so lustely, that in the end they brake the battell of the MACEDONIAN footemen: and having put them to flight, followed them so lively, that they slewe a great number of them, and tooke five thousande prisoners+.  This overthrowe did not so much fill the hartes of the MACEDONIANS with anger, for the losse they had received: nor with the hate conceived against Pyrrus: as it wanne Pyrrus great fame and honor, making his corage and valliantnes to be wondred at of all such as were present at the battell that saw them fight, and how he layed about him.  For they thought that they saw in his face the very life and agility of Alexander the great, & the right shadow as it were, showinge the force and fury of Alexander 

<Plut3-300>            PYRRUS

him selfe in that fight.  And where other kinges did but only counterfeate Alexander the great in his purple garments, and in numbers of souldiers and gardes about their persones, and in a certaine facion and bowing of their neckes a litle, and in uttering his speech with an high voyce:  Pyrrus only was like unto him, and followed him in his marshall deedes and valliant actes.  Furthermore, for his experience and skill in warlike discipline, the bookes he wrote him selfe thereof, do amply prove & make manifest. Furthermore, they reported that kinge Antigonus being asked, whome he thought to be the greatest Captaine: made aunswer, Pyrrus, so farre foorth as he might live to be olde, speaking only of the Captaines of his time.  But Hanniball generally sayd, Pyrrus was the greatest Captaine of experience and skil in warres of all other, Scipio the second, and him selfe the third: as we have wrytten in the life of Scipio.  So it seemeth that Pyrrus gave his whole life and study to the discipline of warres, as that which in dede was princely and meete for a king, making no reckening of all other knowledge.  And furthermore touching this matter, they reporte that he being at a feast one day, a question was asked him, whom he thought to be the best player of the flute, Python or Cephesias: whereunto he aunswered, that Polyperchon in his opinion was the best Captaine, as if he would have sayd, that was the only thing a prince should seeke for, and which he ought chiefly to learne and know.  He was very gentle and familiar with his frendes, easie to forgeve when any had offended him, and marvelous desirous to requite and acknowledge any curtesie or pleasure by him received.  And that was the cause why he did very unpaciently take the death of Eropus, not so much for his death (which he knewe was a common thing to every living creature) as for that he was angry with him selfe he had deferred the time so long, that time it selfe 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-301>

had cut him of from all occasion and meanes to requite the curtesies he had received of him.  True it is that money lent, may be repayed againe unto the heires of the lender: but yet it greveth an honest nature, when he can not recompence the good will of the lender, of whom he hath received the good turne. {gratitude+} An other time Pyrrus being in the city of AMBRACIA, there were certaine of his frends that gave him counsel to put a naughty man out of the city that did nothing but speake ill of him.  But he aunswered, it is better (quod he) to keepe him here still, speakinge ill of us but to a fewe: then driving him away, to make him speake ill of us every where.  Certaine youthes were brought before him on a time, who making mery together, drinking freely, were bolde with the king to speake their pleasure of him in very unduetifull sorte.  So, Pyrrus askinge them whether it was true they saved so or no: it is true, and it please your grace, sayed one of them, we sayed it in deede, and had not our wine failed us, we had spoken a great deale more.  The king laughed at it, and pardoned them.  After the death of Antigona, he maried many wives to increase his power withall, and to gette moe frendes.  For he maried the daughter of Autoleon kinge of PAEONIA, and Bircenna the daughter of Bardillis, king of ILLYRIA, and Lanassa, the daughter of Agathocles, tyran of SYRACUSA, that brought him for ber dower the Ile of CORPHUE, which her father bad taken.  By Antigona his first wife, he had a sonne called Ptolomie:  By Lanassa, an other called Alexander: and by Bircenna, an other (the youngest of all) called Helenus: all which though they were marshall men by race and naturall inclination, yet were they brought up by him in warres, and therein trained as it were even from their cradell.  They wryte, that one of his sonnes beinge but a boy, asked him one day to which of them he would leave his kingdome:  Pyrrus aunswered the boy, to him that 

<Plut3-302>            PYRRUS

hath the sharpest sworde.  That was much like the tragicall curse wherewith Oedipus cursed his children.

Let them (for me) devide, both goodes, yea rentes and lande:
With trenchaunt sword, & bloody blowes, by force of mighty hande.
So cruellU, hatefull, and beastly is the nature of ambition and desire of rule.  But after this battell, Pyrrus returned home againe to his contry, full of honor and glory, his hart highly exalted, and his minde throughly contented.  And as at his returne the EPIROTES his subjectes called him an Eagle, he aunswered them: if I be an Eagle, it is through you that I am so, for your weapons are the winges that have raised me up.  Shortely after, beinge advertised that Demetrius was fallen sicke, and in great daunger of death, he sodainely went into MACEDON, only to invade it, and to make pray thereof.  Howbeit he had in deede almost taken the whole realme, and made him selfe Lord of all without stroke striken.  For he came as farre as the city of EDESSA, and found no resistance: but rather to the contrary, many of the contry willingly came to his campe, and submitted them selves. The daunger Demetfius was in to loose his realme, did move him more, then the disease and sickenes of his body.  And on the other side, his frendes, servauntes, and Captaines, having gathered a great number of men of warre together in marvelous shorte time, marched with great speede towardes Pyrrus, being earnestly bent to do some exploite against him: who being come into MACEDON but to make a roade only apon them, would not tary them, but fled, and flying, lost parte of his men, bicause the MACEDONIANS followed him hard, & set apon him by the way.  But now, though they had driven Pyrrus thus easily out of MACEDON, Demetrius for all that did not make light accompt of him: but pretending greater thinges, (as to recover the landes and dominions of his 
PYRRUS           <Plut3-303>

father, with an army of an hundred thousand fighting men, and of five hundred sayle which he put to the sea) would not stande to make warres against Pyrrus, neither yet leave the MACEDONIANS (whileft he was absent) so daungerous aneighbour, and so ill to deale withall.  But lacking leasure to make warres with Pyrrus, concluded a peace with him, to the ende he might with the more liberty set apon the other kinges.  Thus now, the peace concluded betwixt Demetrius & Pyrrus, the other kinges and princes beganne to finde out Demetrius intent, and why he had made so great preparation and being afrayed therof, wrote unto Pyrrus by their Ambassadors, that they wondred how he could let go such oportunity and occasion, and to tary till Demetrius might with better leasure make warres upon him.  And why he chose rather to tary and fight with him for the aulters, temples, and sepulchers of the MOLOSSIANS, when he shoulde be of greater power, and have no warres elsewhere to trouble him: then now that he might easily drive him out of MACEDON, having so many things in hand, and being troubled as he was in other places.  And considering also that very lately he had taken one of his wives from him, with the City of CORPHUE.  For Lanassa mislikinge, that Pyrrus loved his other wives better then her, (they being of a barbarous nation) got her unto CORPHUE: and desiring to mary some other king, sent for Demetrius, knowing that he of all other kinges would soonest be wonne thereunto.  Whereuppon Demetrius went thither, & maried her, and left a garrison in his citie of CORPHUE.  Nowe these other kinges that did advertise Pyrrus in this sorte, them selves did trouble Demetrius in the meane while: who tracted time, and yet went on with his preparacion notwithstanding.  For on the one side, Ptolomie entred GREECE with a great army by sea, where he caused the cities to revolt against him.  And Lysimachus on 

<Plut3-304>            PYRRUS

the other side also, entring into high MACEDON by the contry of THRACIA, burnt and spoyled all as he went.  Pyrrus also arminge him selfe with them, went unto the city of BERROEA, imagining (as afterwardes it fell out) that Demetrius goinge against Lysimachus, would leave all the lowe contry of MACEDON naked, without garrison or defence.  And the selfe same night that Pyrrus departed, he imagined that king Alexander the great did call him, and that also he went unto him, and found him sicke in his bed, of whom he had very good wordes and entertainment: insomuch as he promised to helpe him throughly.  And Pyrrus imagined also that he was so bolde to demaund of him againe: how (my Lord) can you helpe me, that lye sicke in your bed? and that Alexander made aunswer: with my name only.  And that moreover he sodainely therewithall got up on his horse Nisea, and rode before Pyrrus to guide him the way.  This vision he had in his dreame, which made him bolde, and furthermore encouraged him to goe on with his enterprise.  By which occasion, marching forward with all speede, in few dayes he ended his intended jorney to the city of BERROEA, which sodainely he tooke at his first comming to it: the most parte of his army he layed in garrison there, the residue he sent away under the conduet of his Captaines, here and there, to conquer the cities thereabouts.  Demetrius having intelligence hereof, and hearing also an ill rumor that ranne in his campe amongest the MACEDONIANS, durst not leade them any further, for feare least (when he should come nere to Lysimachus beinge a MACEDONIAN king by nation, and a prince estemed for a famous captaine) they would shrinke from him, and take Lysimachus parte: for this cause therefore he turned againe upon the sodaine against Pyrrus, as against a straunge prince, and ill beloved of the MACEDONIANS.  But when he came to incampe nere him, many 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-305>

comminge from B]ERROEA into his campe blew abroade the praises of Pyrrus, saying, that he was a noble prince, invincible in warres, and one thatcurteously+ entreated all those he tooke to his party: and amongest those, there were other that were no natural MACEDONIANs borne, but set on by Pyrrus, and fained them selves to be MACEDONIANS, who gave out, that nowe occasion was offered to set them at liberty, from Demetrius prowde and stately rule, and to take kinge Pyrrus parte, that was a curteous prince, and one that loved souldiers and men of warre.  These wordes made the most parte of Demetrius army very doutfull, insomuch as the MACEDONIANS looked about, to see if they could finde out Pyrrus to yelde them selves unto him.  He had at that present left of his head peece: by meane whereof, perceiving he was not knowen, he put it on againe, and then they knew him a farre of, by the sight of his goodly fayer plume, & the goates hornes which he caried on the toppe of his creast.  Whereupon there came a great number of MACEDONIANS to his parte, as unto their soveraine Lord and king, and required the watche word of him.  Other put garlandes of oken bowes about their heades, bicause they saw his men, crowned after that sorte.  And some were so bolde also, as to go to Demetrius him selfe, and tell him, that in their opinions he should do very well and wisely to geve place to fortune, and referre all unto Pyrrus.  Demetrius hereupon, seeing his campe in such uprore, was so amased, that he knewe not what way to take, but stale away secretly, disguised in a threde bare cloke, and a hoode on his head to kepe him from knowledge.  Pyrrus foorthwith seased uppon his campe, tooke al that he founde, and was presently proclaimed in the fielde, king of MACEDON.  Lysimachus on thother side, came straight thither after him, and sayed that he had holpen to chase Demetrius out of his realme, and therefore claimed halfe 

<Plut3-306>            PYRRUS

the kingdoms with him.  Wherefore, Pyrrus not trustinge the MACEDONIANS to farre as yet, but rather standing in doubt of their faith: graunted Lysimachus his desire, and thereupon devided all the cities and provinces of the realme of MACEDON betwene them.  This particion was profitable for them both at that present, and stoode then to good purpose to pacifie the warre, that otherwise might sodainely have risen betwene them.  But shortly after, they found that this particion was no end of their enmity, but rather a beginning of quarrell and dissention betwene them.  For they whose avarice+ and insatiable greedy appetite, neither the sea, the mountaines, nor the unhabitable desertes coulde containe nor yet the confynes that separate ASIA from EUROPE determine: howe should they be content with their owne, without usurping others, when their fronters joyne so neere together, that nothing devides them?  Sure it is not possible.  For to say truely, they are willingly together by the eares, having these two cursed thinges rooted in them: that they continually seeke occasion how to surprise eche other, and either of them envies his neighbours well doing.  Howheit in apparaunce they use these two tearmes, of peace and warres, as they doe money: usinge it as they thinke good, not accordinge to right and justice+, but for their private profit.  And truely they are men of farre greater honesty, that make open warre, and avow it: then those that disguise and colour the delay of their wicked purpose, by the holy name of justice or frendship.  Which Pyrrus did truely then verifie.  For desiring to kepe Demetrius downe from rising an other time, and that he should not revive againe as escaped from a long daungerous disease: he went to aide the GREECIANS against him, and was at ATHENS, where they suffered him to come into the castell, and doe sacrifice there unto the goddesse Minerva.  But comming out of the castle 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-307>

againe the same day, he tolde the ATHENIANs he was greatly beholdinge unto them for their curtesie, and the great trust they had reposed in him: wherefore to requite them againe, he gave them counsell, never to suffer prince nor king from thenceforth to enter into their city, if they were wise, not once open their gates unto them.  So, after that he made peace with Demetrius, who within shorte time beinge gone to make warres in ASIA, Pyrrus yet once againe (perswaded thereunto by Lysimachus) caused all THESSALIE to rise against him and went him selfe to set, upon those garrisons which Demetrius had left in the cities of GREECE, liking better to continue the MACEDONIANS in warre, then to leave them in peace: besides that him selfe also was of such a nature, as could not long continue in peace.  Demetrius thus in the ende being utterly overthrowen in SYRIA, Lysimachus seeing him selfe free from feare on that side, and being at good leasure, as having nothing to trouble him otherwayes: went straight to make warre apon Pyrrus, who then remained neere unto the city of EDESSA, and meeting by the way with the convoy of vittells comming towards him, set upon the conducters, and rifled them wholly.  By this meanes, first he distressed Pyrrus for want of vittels: then he corrupted the princes of MACEDON with letters & messengers, declaring unto them, what shame they susteined to have made a straunger their king (whose auncesters had ever bene their vassalls and subjectes) and to have turned all those out of MACEDON, that had bene familiar frendes of king Alexander the great.  Many of the MACEDONIANS were wonne by these perswasions, which fact so feared Pyrrus, that he departed out of MACFDON with his men of warre, the EPIROTES, and other his confederates: and so lost MACEDON by the selfe same meanes he wanne it.  Kinges and princes therefore must not blame private men, though they chaunge 

<Plut3-308>            PYRRUS

and alter sometime for their profit: for therein they do but follow the example of princes, who teache them all disloyalty treason, & infidelity+, judging him most worthy of gaine that least observeth justice and equity. So Pyrrus being come home againe to his kingdome of EPIRUS, forsakinge MACEDON altogether, fortune made him happie enough, and in deede had good meanes to live peaceably at home, without any trouble, if he could have could have contented him selfe only with the soverainty over his owne naturall subjectes.  But thinking, that if he did neither hurt other, nor that other did hurt him, he could not tell how to spend his time, and by peace he should pyne away for sorow, as Homer sayd of Achilles:

He languisbed and_pynde by taking ease and rest:
And in the warres where travaile was, he liked ever beft.
     And thus seeking matter of newe trouble, fortune presented him this occasion.  About this time, the ROMAINES by chaunce made warre with the TARENTINES, who could nether beare their force, nor yet devise how to pacifie the same, by reason of the rashnesse, folly, and wickednes of their governors, who perswaded them to make Pyrrus their Generall, and to sende for him for to conduct these warres: bicause he was lesse troubled at that time, then any of the other kinges about them, and was esteemed of every man also to be a noble souldier, and famous Captaine. The elders, and wise men of the city, utterly misliked that counsell: but some of them were put to silence, through the noyse and fury of the people, who cried for warres.  Some other seeing them checked, and taken up by the multitude in this manner, woulde no more repayre to their common assemblies. Among the rest, there was one Meton, an honest worshipfull citizen, who when the day was come that the people shoulde conclude in counsel, the decree for the 
PYRRUS           <Plut3-309>

calling in of Pyrrus: all the People of TARENTUM being assembled, and set in the Theater, this Meton put an olde withered garlande of flowers upon his head, and carying a torch in his hande as though he had bene dronke, and having a woman minstrell before him playing on a pype, went daunsmge in this goodly aray through the middest of the whole assembly.  And there, (as it happeneth commonly in every hurly burly of people that will be masters them selves, and where no good order is kept) some of them clapped their handes, other burst out in a laughter, and every man suffered him to doe what he lust: but they all cried out to the woman minstrell, to play on and spare not, and to Meton him selfe, that he should sing, and come forward. So Meton made shewe as though he prepared him selfe unto it: and when they had geven silence to heare him sing, he spake unto them with a lowd voice in this manner.  My Lordes of TARENTUM, ye doe well sure, not to forbid them to play and to be mery that are so disposed, whilest they may lawfully doe it: and if ye be wise, every of you also (as many as you be) will take your liberty whileft you may enjoy it.  For when king Pyrrus shalbe in this city, you shall live I warrant ye after an other sorte, and not as ye now do.  These wordes of Meton moved many of the TARENTINES, and sodainly there ran a rumor through all the assembly, that he had sayed turly.  But they that had offended the ROMAINES, that they shoulde be delivered into their into their hands, they checked the people, asking them if they were such fooles, as would abide to be mocked and played withall to their teeth: and with those wordes all ranne uppon Meton, and drave him out of the Theater. The decree thus confirmed by voyces of the people, they sent Ambassadors into EPIRUS, to cary presents unto king Pyrrus, not only from the TARENTINES, but from other GREECIANS also that dwelt in 

<Plut3-310>            PYRRUS

ITALIE, saying that they stoode in neede of a wise and skilful Captaine, that was reputed famous in marshall discipline.  And as to the rest, for numbers of good souldiers, they had men enough in ITALIE, and were able to bring an army into the field, of the LUCANIANS, the MESSAPIANS, the SAMNITES, & TARENTINES, of twenty thowsande horse, and three hundred thowsand footemen being all assembled together.  These wordes of the Ambassadors did not only lift up Pyrrus harte, but made the EPIROTES also marvelous desirous to go this jorney.  There was in kinge Pyrrus courte one Cineas THESSALIAN, a man of great understanding, and that had bene Demosthenes the orators scholler, who seemed to be the onely man of all other in his time in common reputacion, to be most eloquent, following the lively image and shadow of Demosthenes passing eloquence.  This Cineas, Pyrrus ever entertained about him, and sent him Ambassador to the people and cities thereabouts: where he verefied Euripides wordes.

As much as trenchant blades, in mighty handes may doe,
So much can skill of eloquence, achieve and conquer too.
And therefore Pyrrus would often say, that Cineas had wonne him moe townes with his eloquence, then him selfe had done by the sword: for which he did greatly honor and imploy him in all his chiefe affaires.  Cineas perceivinge that Pyrrus was marvelously bent to these warres of ITALIE, finding him one day at leasure, discoursed with him in this sorte.  It is reported, & it please your majesty, that the ROMAINES are very good men of warre, and that they commaund many valliant and warlike nations: if it please the goddes we doe overcome them, what benefit shall we have of that victory? Pyrrus aunswered him againe, thou doest aske me a question that is manifest of it selfe.  For when we have once over- 
PYRRUS           <Plut3-311>

come the ROMAINES, there can neither GREECIAN nor barbarous city in all the contry withstande us, but we shall straight conquer all the rest of ITALIE with ease: whose greatness wealth, and power, no man knoweth better then thy selfe.  Cineas pawsing a while, replied: and when we have taken ITALIE, what shal we do then?  Pyrrus not finding his meaning yet, said unto him.  SICILIA as thou knowest, is hard adjoyning to it, and doth as it were offer it selfe unto us, and is a marvelous populous and riche lande, and easie to be taken: for all the cities within the Ilande are one against an other, having no head that governes them, since Agathocles died, more then orators only that are their counsellers, who will soone be wonne.  In dede it is likely which your grace speaketh, quod Cineas: but when we have wonne SICILIA, shall then our warres take ende?  If the goddes were pleased, sayed Pyrrus, that victory were achieved: the way were then broade open for us to attaine great conquestes.  For who would not afterwardes goe into AFRICKE, and so to CARTHAGE, which also will be an easie conquest, since Agathocles secretly flying from SYRACUSA, and having passed the seaes with a fewe shippes, had almost taken it?  And that once conquered, it is most certaine there durst not one of all our enenues that now doe daily vexe and trouble us, lift up their heades or handes against us.  No surely, sayd Cineas: for it is a cleare case, that with so great a power we may easily recover the realme of MACEDON againe, and commaunde all GREECE besides, without let of any.  But when we have all in our handes: what shall we doe in the ende?  Then Pyrrus laughing, tolde him againe: we will then (good Cineas) be quiet, and take our ease, and make feasts every day, and be as mery one with an other as we can possible. Cineas having brought him to that poynt, sayd againe to him: my Lord, what letteth us now to be quiet, and mery 

<Plut3-312>            PYRRUS

together, sith we enjoy that presently without further travel and trouble, which we will now go seeke for abroade, with such sheading of blood, and so manifest daunger? and yet we know not whether ever we shall attaine unto it, after we have both suffered, and caused other to suffer infinite sorowes and troubles.  These last wordes of Cineas, did rather offende Pyrrus, then make him to alter his minde: for he was not ignorant of the happy state he shoulde thereby forgoe, yet could he not leave of the hope of that he did so much desire.  So he sent Cineas before unto the TARENTINES, with three thousand footemen: and afterwardes the TARENTINES having sent him great store of flatbottomes, gallies, and of all sortes of passengers, he shipped into them twenty elephantes, three thousand horsemen, & two & twenty thowsande footemen, with five hundred bowe men and he wayed anckers, and hoysed sayles, and was no sooner in the maine sea, but the north winde blew very roughly, out of season, and drave him to leeward. Notwithstandinge, the ship which he was in him selfe, by great toile of the pilots and mariners turning to windeward, and with much a do, and marvelous daunger recovered the coast of lTALiE.  Howheit the rest of his fleete were violently dispersed here and there, whereof some of them failinge their course into ITALIE, were cast into the seas of LIBYA, and SICILIA.  The other not able to recover the Pointe of APULIA, were benighted, and the sea being hie wrought, by violence cast them apon the shoare, and against the rockes, and made shipwrackes of them, the Admirall onely reserved, which through her strength, and the greatnes of her burden, resisted the force of the sea that most violently set against her.  But afterwards, the winde turning and comming from the lande, the sea cruelly raking over the height of her forecastell: in fyne brought her in mani- 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-313>

fest perill of openinge, and splitting, and in daunger to be driven from the coast, puttinge her out againe to the mercy of the windes, which chaunged every hower.  Wherefore Pyrrus castinge the perill every way, thought best to leape into the sea.  After him foorthwith lept his gard, his servauntes, and other his familiar frendes, venturing their lives to save him.  But the darkenes of the night, and rage of the waves (which the shore breakinge, forced so to rebound backe upon them) with the great noyse also, did so hinder their swimming: that it was even day before they could recover any lande, and yet was it by meanes that the winde fell.  As for Pyrrus, he was so sea beaten, and wearied with the waves, that he was able to do no more: though of himselfe he had so great a harte, and stowte a corage, as was able to overcome any perill.  Moreover the MESSAPIANS (upon whose coast the storme had cast him) ran out to helpe him, and diligently labored in all they coulde possible to save him, and received also certaine of his shippes that had scaped, in which were a few horsemen, about two thowsande footemen, and two elephantes.  With this small force, Pyrrus marched on his jorney to goe by lande unto TARENTUM: and Cineas being advertised of his comming, went with his men to meete him.  Now when he was come to TARENTUM, at the first he would doe nothing by force, nor against the goodwill of the inhabitantes: untill such time as his shippes that had escaped the daungers of the sea, were all arrived, and the greatest parte of his army comen together againe.  But when he had all his army he looked for, seeing that the people of TARENTUM could neither save them selves, nor be saved by any other, without straight order and compulsion, bicause they made their reckening that Pyrrus should fight for them, and in the meane time they would not stirre out of their houses from bathing them selves, 

<Plut3-314>            PYRRUS

from banketing, and making good chere: first of all he caused all the parkes and places of shew to be shut up, where they were wont to walke & disporte them selves, in any kind of exercise, and as they walked, to talke of warres as it were in pastime, and to fight with words, but not to come to the blowes.  And further he forbad all feastinges, mommeries, and such other like pleasures, as at that time were out of season.  He trained them out also to exercise their weapons, and shewed him selfe very severe in musters, not pardoning any whose names were billed to serve in the warres: insomuch as there were many (which unacquainted with such rough handling and government) forsooke the city altogether, calling it a bondage, not to have liberty to live at their pleasure.  Furthermore, Pyrrus having intelligence that Levinus the ROMAINE Consul came against him with a great puisant army, and that he was already entred into the lande of LUCANIA, where he destroyed and spoyled all the contry before him: albeit the TARENTINES aide of their confederates was not as yet comen, he thought it a great shame to suffer his enemies approche so nere him, and therefore taking that small number he had, brought them into the fielde against Levinus.  Howheit he sent a herauld before to theROMAINES, to understand of them, if (before they entred into this warre) they coulde be content the controversies they had with all the GREECIANs dwellinge in ITALIE, might be decided by justice, and therein to referre them selves to his arbitrament, who of him selfe would undertake the pacification of them.  Whereunto the Consull Levinus made aunswere, that the ROMAINES would never allow him for a judge, neither did they feare him for an enemy.  Wherfore Pyrrus going on stil, came to lodge in the plaine which is betweene the cities of PANDOSIA, and of HERACLEA: and having newes brought him that the ROMAINES were 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-315>

encamped very nere unto him on the other side of the river of Siris, he tooke his horse, and rode to the rivers side to view their campe.  So having throughly considered the forme, the scituacion, and the order of the same, the maner of charging their watche, and all their facions of doing: he wondered much thereat.  And speaking to MegacIes, one of his familiars about him, he sayd: this order Megacles (quod he) though it be of barbarous people, yet is it not barbarously done, but we shall shortely prove their force.  After he had thus taken this view, he beganne to be more carefull then he was before, and purposed to tary till the whole aide of their confederates were comen together, leaving men at the rivers side of Siris, to kepe the passage, if the enemies ventured to passe over as they did in dede.  For they made hast to prevent the aide that Pyrrus looked for, and passed their footemen over apon a bridge, and their horsemen at diverse fordes of the river: insomuch as the GREECIANS fearinge least they shoulde be compassed in behinde, drew backe.  Pyrrus advertised thereof, and being a litle troubled therwithall, commaunded the Captaines of his footemen presently to put their bandes in battell ray, and not to sturre till they knew his pleasure: and he him selfe in the meane time marched on with three thowsande horse, in hope to finde the ROMAINES by the river side, as yet out of order, and utterly unprovided.  But when he saw a farre of a greater number of footemen with their targettes ranged in battell, on this side the river, and their horsemen marching towardes him in very good order: he caused his men to joyne close together, and him selfe first beganne the charge, being easie to be knowen from other, if it had bene no more but his passinge riche glisteringe armor and furniture, and withall for that his valliant dedes gave manifest proofe of his well deserved fame and renowne.  For, 

<Plut3-316>            PYRRUS

though he valiantly besturted his hands and body both, repulsing them he encountered withall in fight, yet he forgate not him selfe, nor neglected the judgement and foresight, which should never be wanting {Hal+} in a Generall of an army: but as though he had not fought at all, quietly and discretly gave order for everie thinge, rydinge to and fro, to defende and encorage his men in those places, where he sawe them in most distresse. But even in the hottest of the battell, Leonatus MACEDONIAN, spyed an ITALIAN a man of armes, that followed Pyrrus uppe and downe where he went, and ever kept in manner of even hande with him, to set apon him.  Wherefore he sayd to Pyrrus: my Lord doe you not see that barbarous man there uppon a baye horse with white feete?  Sure he looketh as though he ment to doe some notable feate and mischiefe with his owne handes: for his eye is never of you, but wayteth only apon you, being sharpe set to deale with your selfe and none other, and therefore take hede of him.  Pyrrus aunswered him, it is impossible Leonatus, for a man to avoyde his deestinie: but neither he, nor any other ITALIAN whatsoever, shall have any joy to deale with me.  And as they were talkinge thus of the matter, the ITALIAN taking his speare in the middest, and setting spurres to his horse, charged apon Pyrrus, and ranne his horse through and through with the same.  Leonatus at the selfe same instant served the ITALIANS horse in the like manner, so as both their horses fell dead to the ground.  Howheit Pyrrus men that were about him, saved him presently, and slew the ITALIAN in the fielde, although he fought it out right valliantly.  The ITALIANs name was Oplacus, borne in the city of FERENTUM, and was Captaine of a bande of men of armes. This mischaunce made kinge Pyrrus looke the better to him selfe afterwardes, and seeinge his horsemen geve backe, sent presently to hasten his footemen forward, whom he 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-317>

straight set in order of battell: and delivering his armor and cloke to one of his familiars called Megacles, and being hidden as it were in Megacles armor, returned againe to the battell against the ROMAINES, who valiantly resisted him, so that the victory depended longe in doubt.  For it is sayd, that both the one side and the other did chase, and was chased, above seven times in that conflict.  The chaunginge of the kinges armor served very well for the safety of his owne persone, howebeit it was like to have marred all, and to have made him loose the fielde.  For many of his enemies set uppon Megacles, that ware the kings armor+: and the partie that slue him dead, and threw him starke to the grounde, was one Dexius by name, who quickely snatched of his head peece, tooke away his cloke, and ranne to Levinus the Consul, crying out alowde, that he had slaine Pyrrus, and withall shewed foorth the spoyles he supposed to have taken from him.  Which being caried about through all the bands, and openly shewed from hand to hand, made the ROMAINES marvelous joyfull, and the GREECIANS to the contrary, both afeard and right sorowfull: untill such time as Pyrrus hearing of it, went and passed alongest all his bandes bare headed, and bare faced, holdinge up his hande to his souldiers, and gevinge them to understande with his owne voyce, that it was him selfe.  The elephantes in the ende were they in deede that wanne the battel, and did most distresse the ROMAINES: for, their horses seeing them a farre of, were sore arrayed, and durst not abide them, but caried their mastets backe in despite of them.  Pyrrus at the sight thereof, made his THESSALIAN horsemen to geve a charge apon them whilest they were in this disorder, and that so lustely, as they made the ROMAINES flie, and susteine great slaughter.  For Dionysius wryteth, that there dyed+ few lesse, then fifteene thowsand ROMAINES at that battell.  But Hieronymus speaketh 

<Plut3-318>            PYRRUS

onely of seven thowsande.  And of Pyrrus side, Dionysims wryteth, there were slaine thirteene thowsande.  But Hieronymus sayth lesse then foure thowsande: howebeit they were all of the best men of his army, and those whome most he trusted.  King Pyrrus presently hereupon also tooke the ROMAINES campe, which they forsooke, and wan many of their cities from their allyance, spoyled, and overcame much of their contry.  Insomuch as he came whithin six & thirty mile of ROME, whither came to his aide, as confederates of the TARENTINES, the LUCANIANS, and the SAMNITES, whom he rebuked bicause they came to late to the battel.  Howheit a man might easily see in his face, that he was not a litle glad and proude to have overthrowen so great an army of the ROMAINES with his owne men, and the aide of the TARENTINES onely.  On thother side, the ROMAINES hartes were so great, that they would not depose Levinus from his Consullshippe, notwithstandinge the losse he had received: and Caius Fabricius sayed openly, that they were not the EPIROTES that had overcomen the ROMAINES, but Pyrrus had overcome Levinus: meaning thereby, that this overthrow chaunced unto them, more through the subtilty & wise conduction of the Generall, then through the valliant feates and worthines of his army.  And hereuppon they speedily supplied their legyons againe that were minished, with other newe souldiers in the dead mens place, and leavied a fresh force besides, speaking bravely and fiercely of this warre, like men whose hartes were nothinge appawled.  Whereat Pyrrus marvelinge much, thought good first to send to the ROMAINES, to prove if they would geve any eare to an offer of peace, knowing right well that the winning of the city of ROME was no easie matter to compasses or attaine, with that strength he presently had: and also that it would be greatly to his glory, if he could bring them to peace after 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-319>

this his valliant victory.  And hereupon he sent Cineas to ROME, who spake with the chiefest of the city, and offered presentes to them and their wives, in the behalfe of the King his master.  Howbeit, neither man nor woman would receive any at his handes, but aunswered all with one voyce: that if the peace might be general to all, they all privately woulde be at the kinges commaundement, and woulde be glad of his frendshippe.  Moreover, when Cineas had talked in open audience before the Senate, of many curteous offers, and had delivered them profitable capitulacions of peace: they accepted none, nor shewed any affection to geve eare unto them, although he offered to deliver them their prisoners home againe without raunsome, that had bene taken at the battel, and promised also to aide them in the conquest of ITALIE, requiring no other recompence at their handes saving their goodwills only to his master, and assurance for the TARENTINES, that they should not be annoyed for any thinge past, without demaunde of other matter.  Neverthelesse in the ende, when they had hearde these offers, many of the Senators yeelded, and were willinge to make peace: alleaginge that they had already lost a great battell, and howe they looked for a greater, when the force of the confederates of ITALIE should joyne together with king Pyrrus power.  But Appius Claudius, a famous man, who came no more to the Senate, nor delt in matters of state at all by reason of his age, and partely bicause he was blinde: when he understoode of king Pyrrus offers, and of the common brute that ranne through the City, howe the Senate were in minde to agree to the capitulacions of peace propounded by Cineas, he could not abide, but caused his servauntes to cary him in his chayer apon their armes unto the Senate dore, his sonnes, and sonnes in law taking him in their armes, caried him so into the Senate house.  The Senate made silence to honor the com- 

<Plut3-320>            PYRRUS

ming in of so notable and worthy a personage: and he so soone as they had sette him in his seate, beganne to speake in this sorte. "Hitherunto with great impacience (my lordes of ROME) have I borne the losse of my sight, but now, I would I were also as deafe as I am blinde, that I might not (as I doe) heare the reporte of your dishonorable consultacions determined upon in Senate, which tende to subvert the glorious fame & reputacion of ROME.  What is now become of all your great and mighty bragges you blased abroade, through the whole worlde? that if Alexander the great him selfe had come into ITALIE, in the time that our fathers had bene in the flower of their age, and we in the prime of out youth, they would not have sayed every where that he was altogether invincible, as now at this present they doe: but either he should have left his body slaine here in battell, or at the least wise have bene driven to flie, and by his death or flyinge shoulde greatly have enlarged the renowne and glory of ROME? you plainly show it now, that all these words spoken then, were but vaine & arrogant vaunts of foolish pride.  Considering that you tremble for feare of the MOLOSSIANS and CHAONIANS, who were ever a pray to the MACEDONIANS: and that ye are afrayed of Pyrrus also, who all his life time served and followed one of the gard unto Alexander the great, and nowe is come to make warres in these partes, not to aide the GREECIANS inhabiting in ITALIE, but to flie from his enemies there about his owne contry, offering you to conquer all the rest of ITA LIIE with an army, wherewith he was nothing able to kepe a small parte of MACEDON only for him selfe.  And therefore you must not perswade your selves, that in making peace with him, you shall thereby be rid of him: but rather shall you draw others to come and set apon you besides.  For they will utterly despise you, when they shal heare ye are so easily overcome, and that you 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-321>

have suffered Pyrrus to escape your handes, before you made him feele the just reward of his bolde presumptuous attempt upon you: carying with him for a further hier, this advantage over you, that he hath geven a great occasion both to the SAMNITES, & TARENTINEs, hereafter to mocke and deride you." After that Appius had tolde this tale unto the Senate, every one through the whole assembly, desired rather warre then peace.  They dispatched Cineas away thereupon with this aunswere, that if Pyrrus sought the ROMAINES frendshippe, he must first departe out of ITALIE, and then sende unto them to treate of peace: but so longe as he remained there with his army, the ROMAINES would make warres upon him, with all the force and power they could make, yea although he had overthrowen and slaine tenne thowsand such Captaines as Levinus was.  They say that Cineas, during the time of his abode at ROME, entreating for this peace, did curiously labor to consider and understande, the manners, order, and life of the ROMAINES, and their common weale, discoursing thereof with the chiefest men of the city: and how afterwards he made ample reporte of the same unto Pyrrus, and tolde him amongest other thinges, that the Senate appeared to him, a counsell house of many kinges.  And furthermore (for the number of people) that he feared greatly they should fight against such a serpent, as that which was in olde time in the marises of LERNE, of which, when they had cut of one heade, seven other came up in the place: bicause the Consull Levinus had nowe leavied an other army, twise as great as the first was, and had left at ROME also, many times as many good able men to cary armor.  After this, there were sent Ambassadors from ROME unto Pyrrus, and amongest other, Caius Fabricius touching the state of the prisoners.  Cineas tolde the kinge his master, that this Fabricius was one of the greatest menne of 

<Plut3-322>            PYRRUS

accompt in all ROME, a right honest man, a good Captaine, and a very valliant man of his handes, yet poore+ in deede he was notwithstanding. Pyrrus taking him secretly a side, made very much of him, and amongest other thinges, offered him bothe golde and silver, prayinge him to take it, not for any dishonest respect he ment towardes him, but only for a pledge of the goodwill and frendshippe that shouldbe betwene them.  Fabricius would none of his gift: so Pyrrus left him for that time.  Notwithstanding, the next morninge thinkinge to feare him, bicause he had never seene elephant before, Pyrrus commaunded his men, that when they sawe Fabricius & him talkinge together, they shoulde bringe one of his greatest elephantes. and set him harde by them, behinde a hanging; which being done at a certaine signe by Pyrrus geven, sodainely the hanging was pulled backe, and the elephant with his troncke was over Fabricius heade, and gave a terrible and fearefuh crie.  Fabricius softely geving backe, nothing afrayed, laughed and sayd to Pyrrus smiling: neither did your golde (oh king) yesterday move me, nor your elephant to day feare me.  Furthermore, whiles they were at supper, fallinge in talke of diverse matters, specially touchinge the state of GREECE, and the Philosophers there:  Cineas by chaunce spake of EPICURUS, & rehearsed the opinions of the EPICURIANS touching the goddes and government of the common wealth, how they placed mans chiefe felicity in pleasure, how they fled from all office and publike charge, {action+} as from a thing that hindereth the fruition of true felicity: howe they maintained that the goddes were immortall, neither moved with pity nor anger, and led an idle life full of all pleasures and delightes, without taking any regarde of mens doinges.  But as he still continued this discourse, Fabricius cried out alowde, and sayd: the goddes graunt that Pyrrus and the SAMNITES were of such opinions, as 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-323>

long as they had warres against us.  Pyrrus marveling much at the constancy and magnanimity of this man, was more desirous a great deale to have peace with the ROMAINES, then before.  And privately prayed Fabricius very earnesly, that he would treate for peace, whereby he might afterwards come and remaine with him, saying: that he would give him the chiefe place of honor about him, amongest all his frendes.  Whereunto Fabricius aunswered him softly: were not good (oh king) for your selfe, quod he: for your men that presently doe honor and esteeme you, by experience if they once knew me, would rather choose me for their kinge, then your selfe.  Such was Fabricius talke, whose wordes Pyrrus tooke not in ill parte, neither was offended with them at all, as a tyran woulde have bene: but did him selfe reporte to his frendes and familiars the noble minde he founde in him, and delivered him apon his faith only, all the ROMAINE prisoners: to the ende that if the Senate woulde not agree unto peace, they might yet see their frendes, and kepe the feast of Saturne with them, & then to send them backe againe unto him. {Regulus+} Which the Senate established by decree, upon paine of death to all such as should not performe the same accordingly.  Afterwardes Fabricius was chosen Consull, and as he was in his campe, there came a man to him that brought him a letter from kinge Pyrrus, Phisitian, wrytten with his owne handes: in which the Phisitian offered to poyson his maister, so he would prornise him a good reward, for ending the warres without further daunger.  Fabricius detestinge the wickednesse of the Phisitian, and having made Q.  AEmilius his colleague, and fellowe Consull also, to abhorre the same: wrote a letter unto Pyrrus, and bad him take heede, for there were that ment to poyson him.  The contentes of his letter were these:  Caius Fabricius, and Quintus AEmylius Consuls of ROME, unto king Pyrrus greeting. 

<Plut3-324>            PYRRUS

You have (oh king) made unfortunate choise, both of your frendes and of your enemies, as shall appeare unto you by reading of this letter, which one of yours hath wrytten unto us: for you make warres with just & honest men, and do your selfe trust altogether the wicked and unfaithfull. Hereof therfore we have thought good to advertise you, not in respect to pleasure you, but for feare least the misfortune of your death might make us unjustly to be accused: imagining that by trechery of treason, we have sought to end this warre, as though by valliantnesse we coulde not otherwise atchieve it.  Pyrrus having red this letter, and proved the contentes thereof true, executed the Phisitian as he had deserved: and to requite the advertisement of the Consulls, he sent Fabricius and the ROMAINES their prisoners, without payinge of raunsome, and sent Cineas againe unto them, to prove if he could obtaine peace.  Howheit, the ROMAINES, bicause they would neither receive pleasure of their enemies, and least of all reward, for that they consented not unto so wicked a deede: did not only refuse to take their prisoners of free gift, but they sent him againe so many SAMNITES, & TARENTINEs. And furthermore for peace, and his frendshippe, they would geve no eare to it, before the warres were ended, and that he had sent away his army againe by sea, into his kingdome of EPIRUS.  Wherefore Pyrrus seing no remedy, but that he must needes fight an other battell, after he had somewhat refreshed his army, drewe towardes the citie of ASCULUM, where he fought the seconde time with the ROMAINES: and was brought into a marvelous ill grounde for horsemen, by a very swift running river, from whence came many brookes and deepe marishes, insomuch as his elephantes could have no space nor ground to joine with the battel of the footemen, by reason wherof there was a great number of men hurt and slaine on both sides.  And 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-325>

in the ende, the battell being fought out all day longe, the darke night did sever them: but the next morninge, Pyrrus to winne the advantage to fight in the plaine field, where he might prevaile with the force of his elephantes, sent first certaine of his bandes to sease upon the naughty ground they had fought on the day before.  And by this policy having brought the ROMAINES into the plaine field, he thrust in amongest his elephants, store of shot, and slingmen, and then made his army marche (being very well set in order) with great furie against his enemies.  They missinge thother dayes turninges & places of retyre, were now compelled to fight all on a fronte in the plaine fielde: and striving to breake into the battell of Pyrrus footemen before the elephantes came, they desperately preaced in apon their enemies pykes with their swordes, not caring for their owne persones what became of them, but only looked to kill and destroy their enemies.  In the ende notwithstanding, after the battell had holden out very long, the ROMAINES lost it, and they first beganne to breake and flie on that side where Pyrrus was, by reason of the great force and furie of his charge, and much more through the violence of the elephantes: against which, the ROMAINES valliantnes nor corage coulde ought prevaile, but that they were driven to give them place (much like the rage of surging waves, or terrible tremblinge of the earth) rather then tary to be troden under feete, and overthrowen by them, whome they were not able to hurte againe, but be by them most grevously martyred, and their troubles thereby yet nothinge eased.  The chase was not long, bicause they fled but into their campe: and Hieronymus the historiographer writeth, that there died six thowsande men of the ROMAINES, and of Pyrrus parte about three thowsande five hundred and five, as the kinges owne Chronicles doe witnesse.  Neverthelesse, Dionysius makes no mencion of

<Plut3-326>            PYRRUS

two battells geven neere unto the city of ASCULUM, nor that the ROMAINES were certainely overthrowen: howbeit he confirmeth that there was one battell only that continued until sunne set, and that they scarcely severed also when night was come on, Pyrrus being hurte on the arme with a speare, and his cariage robbed and spoiled by the SAMNITES besides.  And further, that there died in this battell, above fifteene thowsande men, as well of Pyrrus side, as of the ROMAINES parte: and that at the last, both the one and the other did retyre.  And some say, that it was at that time Pyrrus aunswered one, who rejoyced with him for the victory they had wonne: if we winne an other of the price, quod he, we are utterly undone.  For in dede then had he lost the most parte of his army he brought with him out of his realme, and all his frendes and Captaines in manner every one, or at the least there lacked litle of it: and besides that, he had no meanes to supplie them with other from thence, and perceived also that the confederates he had in ITALIE, beganne to waxe colde.  Where the ROMAINES to the contrary, did easily renue their army with freshe souldiers, which they caused to come from ROME as neede required, (much like unto a lively spring, the head whereof they had at home in their contry) and they fainted not at all for any losses they received, but rather were they so much the more hotly bent, stowtely determining to abide out the warres, what ever betyde. And thus whileft Pyrrus was troubled in this sorte, newe hopes, and newe enterprises were offred unto him, that made him doubtful what to do.  For even at a clap came Ambassadors to him out of SICILIA, offering to put into his handes, the cities of SYRACUSA, of AGRIGENTUM, and of the LEONTINES, and beseeching him to aide them to drive the CARTHAGINIANS out of the Ile, thereby to deliver them from all the tyrannes.  And on the other side also, newes was 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-327>

brought him from GREECE, howe Ptolomie surname the lightning was slaine, and all his army overthrowen in battle against the GAULES, and that now he shoulde come in good hower for the MACEDONIANS, who lacked but a king. Then he cursed his hard fortune that presented him all at once, such sundry occasions to doe great thinges: and as if both enterprises had bene already in his hande, he made his accompt that of necessitie he must loose one of them.  So, long debating the matter with him selfe, which of the two wayes he should conclude uppon: in the ende he resolved, that by the warres of SICILIA, there was good meane to attaine to the greater matters, considering that AFFRICKE was not farre from them.  Wherefore, disposinge him selfe that way, he sent Cineas thither immediatly to make his way, and to speake to the townes and cities of the contry as he was wont to doe: and in the meane time left a strong garrison in the city of TARENTUM, to kepe it at his devotion, wherewith the TARENTINES were very angry.  For they made request unto him, either to remaine in their contry to maintaine warres with them against the ROMAINES, (which was their meaning why they sent for him) or else if he would needes go, at the least wise to leave their city in as good state as he founde it.  But he aunswered them againe very roughly, that they shoulde speake no more to him in it, & that they should not choose but tary his occasion.  And with this aunswere tooke shippe, and sailed towardes SICILIA: where so soone as he was arrived, he founde all that he hoped for, for the cities did willingely put them selves into his handes.  And where necessity of battell was offered him to employ his army, nothing at the beginning could stande before him.  For, with thirty thowsande footemen, two thowsande five hundred horsemen, and two hundred sayle which he brought with him, he drave the CARTHAGINIANS before him, 

<Plut3-328>            PYRRUS

& conquered all the contry under their obedience.  Nowe at that time, the city of ERIX was the strongest place they had: and there were a great number of good souldiers within it to defende it.  Pyrrus determined to prove the assault of it, and when his army was ready to geve the charge, he armed him selfe at all peeces from toppe to toe, and approching the walls, vowed unto Hercules to geve him a solemne sacrifice, with a feast of common playes, so that he would graunt him grace to shew him selfe unto the GREECIANS inhabiting in SICILIA, worthy of the noble auncesters from whence he came, and of the great good fortune+ he had in his handes.  This vowe ended, he straight made the trompettes sound to the assault, and caused the barbarous people that were on the walles, to retire with force of his shot.  Then when the scaling ladders were set up, him selfe was the first that mounted on the walle, where he found diverse of the barbarous people that resisted him.  But some he threw over the walles on either side of him, and with his sword slew many dead about him, him selfe not once hurt: for the barbarous people had not the harte to looke him in the face, his countenaunce was so terrible.  And this doth prove that Homer spake wisely, and like a man of experience, when he sayd: that valliantnesse onely amongest all other moral vertues is that, which hath somtimes, certaine furious+ motions and divine provocations, which make a man besides him selfe.  So the city being taken, he honorably performed his vowed sacrifice to Hercules, & kept a feast of all kindes and sortes of games and weapons.  There dwelt a barbarous people at that time about MESSINA, called the MAMERTINES, who did much hurt to the GREECIANS therabouts makinge many of them pay taxe and tribute: for they were a great number of them, and all men of warre and good souldiers, and had their name also of Mars, bicause they were marshall 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-329>

men, and geven to armes.  Pyrrus led his army against them, and overthrew them in battell: and put their collectors to death, that did leavy and exact the taxe, and rased many of their fortresses.  And when the CARTHAGINIANS required peace and his frendship, offering him shippes and money, pretending greater matters: he made them a shorte aunswere, that there was but one way to make peace and love betwene them, to forsake SICILIA altogether, and to be contented to make Mare Libycum the border betwixt GREECE and them.  For his good fortune, and the force he had in his handes, did set him aloft, and further allured him to follow the hope that brought him into SICILIA, aspiring first of all unto the conquest of LIBYA.  Now, to passe him over thither, he had ships enough, but he lacked owers and mariners: wherefore when he would presse them, then he began to deale roughly with the cities of SICILIA, and in anger compelled, and severely punished them, that would not obey his commaundement.  This he did not at his first comminge, but contrarily had wonne all their good wills, speaking more curteously to them then any other did, and shewing that he trusted them altogether, & troubled them in nothing.  But sodainly being altered from a populer prince, unto a violent tyran, he was not only thought cruell & rigorous, but that worst of all is,unfaithfull+ and ingratefull+: neverthelesse, though they received great hurt by him, yet they suffered it, and graunted him any needefull thing he did demaund.  But when they saw he began to mistrust+ Thanon and Sostratus, the two chiefe Captaines of SYRACUSA, and they who first caused him to come into SICILIA, who also at his first arrivall delivered the City of SYRACUSA into his hands, and had bene his chiefe aiders in helping to compasse that he had done in SICILIA: when I say they saw he would no more cary them with him, nor leave them behinde him for the 

<Plut3-330>            PYRRUS

mistrust he had of them, and that Sostratus fled from him, and absented him selfe, fearing least Pyrrus would doe him some mischiefe: and that Pyrrus moreover, had put Thanon to death, mistrusting that he would also have done him some harme.  Then all things fell out against Pyrrus, not one after an other, nor by litle and litle, but all together at one instant, and all the cities generally hated him to the death, and did againe some of them confederate with the CARTHAGINIANS, and others with the MAMERTINES, to set upon him.  But when all SICILIA was thus bent against him, he received letters from the SAMNITES and TARENTINES, by which they advertised him, how they had much a doe to defende them selves within their cities and strong holdes, and that they were wholly driven out of the field: wherfore they earnestiy besought him speedily to come to their aide.  This newes came happely to him, to cloke his flying, that he might say it was not for dispaire of good successe in SICILIA that he went his way: but true it was in dede, that when he saw he could no longer keepe it, then a shippe could stand still among the waves, he sought some honest shadow to colour his departing.  And that surely was the cause why he returned againe into ITALIE.  Neverthelesse, at his departure out of SICILE, they say that looking backe apon the Ile, he said to those that were about him:  O what a goodly field for a battell, my frendes, doe we leave to the ROMAINEs and CARTHAGINIANS, to fight thone with thother?  And verily so it fell out shortely after, as he had spoken.  But the barbarous people conspiringe together against Pyrrus, the CARTHAGINIANS on the one side watching his passage, gave him battel on the sea, in the very straight it selfe of MESSINA, where he lost many of his ships, and fled with rest, and tooke the coast of ITALIE.  And there the MAMERTINES on the other side, being gone thither be- 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-331>

fore, to the number of eighteene thowsande fighting men: durst not present him battell in open fielde, but taried for him in certaine straites of the mountaines, and in very hard places, and so set upon his rereward, and disordered all his army.  They slew two of his elephants, and cut of a great number of his rereward, so as he was compelled him selfe in persone to come from his vangard, to helpe them against the barbarous people, which were lusty valliant men, and olde trained souldiers.  And there Pyrrus caught a blow on his head with a sworde, and was in great daunger: insomuch as he was forced to retyre out of the prease and fight, which did so much the more encorage his enemies.  Among which there was one more adventurous then the rest, a goodly man of personage, fayer armed in white armor, who advauncing him selfe farre before his company, cried out to the king with a bolde and fierce voyce, and chalenged him to fight with him if he were alive.  Pyrrus beinge mad+ as it were with this bravery, turned againe with his garde, in spight of his men, hurt as he was.  And besides that he was all on a fire with choler+, and his face all bloody and terrible to behold, he went through his men, and came at the length to this barbarous villen that had challenged him: and gave him such a blow on his head with all his force and power, that what by the strength of his arme, and through the goodnes of the temper and mettle of the sword, the blow clave his head right in the middest, downe to the shoulders: so that his heade beinge thus devided, the one parte fell on the one shoulder, and the other parte on the other.  This matter sodainly stayed the barbarous people, and kept them from goinge any further, they were so afrayed and amased both to see so great a blowe with ones hande, and it made them thinke in dede that Pyrru,s was more then a man.  After that, they let him go, and troubled him no more.  Pyrrus holding on 

<Plut3-332>            PYRRUS

his jorney, arrived at the length in the city of TARENTUM, with twenty thowsand footemen, and three thowsand horse.  And with these (joyning thereto the choycest pyked men of the TARENTINES) he went incontinently into the field to seeke out the ROMAINES, who had their campe within the territories of the SAMNITES, which were then in very hard state.  For their hartes were killed, bicause that in many battells and encounters with the ROMAINES, they were ever overthrowen.  They were very angry besides with Pyrrus, for that he had forsaken them, to goe his voyage unto SICILIA, by reason whereof there came no great number of souldiers into his campe.  But notwithstanding, he devided all his strength into two partes, whereof he sent the one parte into LUCANIA, to occupy one of the ROMAINE Consulls that was there, to the end he should not come to aide his companion: and with the other parte he went him selfe against Manius Curius, who lay in a very straunge place of advantage nere to the citie of BENEVENTO, attending the aide that should come to him out of LUCANIA, besides also that the Soothsayers (by the signes & tokens of the birdes and sacrifices) did counsell him not to sturre from thence.  Pyrrus to the contrary, desiring to fight with Manius before his aide came unto him, which he looked for out of LUCANIA, tooke with him the best souldiers he had in all his army, and the warlikest elephantes, and marched away in the night, supposing to steale upon Manius on the sodaine, and geve an assault unto his campe.  Now Pyrrus having a long way to go, and through a woddy contry, his lightes and torches failed him, by reason whereof many of his souldiers lost their way, and they lost a great deale of time also, before they could againe be gathered together: so as in this space the night was spent, and the day once broken, the enemies perceived plainely how he came downe the hills. 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-333>

This at the first sight made them muse a while, and put them in a litle fere: neverthelesse Manius having had the signes of the sacrifices favorable, and seeing that occasion did presse him to it, went out into the field, and set apon the vowarde of his enemies, and made them turne their backes. The which feared all the rest in such wise, that there were slaine a great number of them in the fielde, and certaine elephantes also taken.  This victory made Manius Curius leave his strength, and come into the plaine field, where he set his men in battell ray, and overthrew his enemies by plaine force on the one side: but on the other he was repulsed by violence of the elephantes, and compelled to drawe backe into his owne campe, wherein he had left a great number of men to garde it.  So when he saw them upon the rampers of his campe all armed, ready to fight, he called them out, and they comming fresh out of places of advantage to charge upon the elephantes, compelled them in a very shorte time to turne their backes, and flie through their owne men, whom they put to great trouble, and disorder: so as in the ende, the whole victory fell apon the ROMAINES side, and consequently by meanes of that victory, followed the greatnes and power of their Empire+. For the ROMAINES being growen more coragious by this battell, and having increased their force, and wonne the reputacion of men unconquerable: immediatly after conquered all ITALIE besides, and soone after that, all SICILIA. To this ende as you see, came king Pyrrus vaine hope he had reconquer ITALIE and SICILIA, after he had spent sixe yeares continually in warres, during which time his good fortune decayed, and his army consumed.  Notwithstanding, his noble corage remained alwayes invincible, what losses soever he had susteined: and moreover whilest he lived, he was ever esteemed the chiefest of all the kings and princes in his time, as well for his 

<Plut3-334>            PYRRUS

experience and sufficiency in warres, as also for the valliantnes and hardines of his person.  But what he wanne by famous deedes, he lost by vaine hopes: desiring so earnestly that which he had not, as he forgate to kepe that which he had.  Wherefore Antigonus compared him unto a dice player that casteth well, but can not use his lucke.  Now having brought backe againe with him into EPIRUS, eight thowsande footemen, and five hundred horsemen, and being without money to pay them, he devised with him selfe to seeke out some new warre to entertaine those souldiers, & kepe them together.  Wherefore uppon a newe aide of certaine of the GAULES beinge comen unto him, he entered into the realme of MACEDON (which Antigonus, Demetrius sonne held at that time) with intent only to make a forrey, and to get some spoyle in the contry.  But when he saw that he had taken diverse holdes, and moreover, that two thowsand men of warre of the contry came and yelded them selves unto him: he beganne to hope of better successe, then at the first he looked for.  For upon that hope he marched against king Antigonus selfe whom he met in a very straight valley, and at his first comming, gave such a lusty charge upon his rereward, that he put all Antigonus army in great disorder.  For Antigonus had placed the GAULES in the rereward of his army to close it in, which were a convenient number, & did valliandy defend the first charge: and the skirmishe was so hotte, that the most of them were slaine.  After them, the leaders of the elephantes perceiving they were environned on every side, yelded them selves and their beastes.  Pyrrus seeing his power to be now increased with such a supply, trusting more to his good fortune, then any good reason might move him: thrust further into the battel of the MACEDONIANS, who were all afrayed, and troubled for the overthrowe of their rereward, so as they would not once base their 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-335>

pykes, nor fight against him.  He for his parte holding up his hande, and callinge the Captaines of the bandes by their names, straight wayes made all the footenien of Antigonus turne wholly to his side: who flying, saved him selfe with a few horsemen, and kept certaine of the cities in his realme apon the sea coast.  But Pyrrus in all his prosperity, judging nothing more to redownde to his honor and glory, then the overthrow of the GAULES, layed aside their goodliest and richest spoyles, and offred up the same in the temple of Minerva Itonida, with this inscription.

When Pyrrus had subdude, the puisant Gaules in fields,
He caused of their spoyles to make, these targets, armes, and shields:
The which be hanged up, in temple all on high,
Before Minerva (goddesse here) in signe of victory.
When he had overcome, the whole and hugie hoast.
The which Antigonus did bring, into his contries coast.
Ne marvell should it seeme, though vicory be wonne,
Since valliantnes bringes victory, and evermore bath done:
And valliantnes almayes, hath constantly kept place
From age to age, and time to time, in AEacus his race.
     Immediady after this battell, all the cities of the realme of MACEDON yelded unto him: but when he had the citie of AEGES in his power, he used the inhabitantes thereof very hardly, and specially bicause he left a great garrison of the GAULES there which he had in pay. This nation is extreame covetous, as then they shewed them selves: for they spared not to breake up the tombes wherein the kinges of MACEDON lay buricd there, tooke away all the gold and silver they could finde, and after wards with great insolency cast out their bones into the open winde. Pyrrus was tolde of it, but he lightly passed it over, and made no reckening of it: either bicause he 
<Plut3-336>            PYRRUS

deferred it till an other time, by reason of the waries he had then in hande: or else for that he durst not meddle with punishing of these barbarous people at that time.  But whatsoever the matter was the MACEDONIANS were very angry with Pyrrus, and blamed him greatly for it.  Furthermore, having not yet made all thinges sure in MACEDON, nor being fully possest of the same: new toyes and hope came into his head, and mocking Antigonus, sayd, he was a mad man to goe apparrelled in purple like a king, when a poore cloke might become him like a private man.  Now, Cleonymus king of SPARTA being come to procure him to bring his army into the contry of LACEDAEMON, Pyrrus was very willing to it.  This Cleonymus was of the blood royall of SPARTA, but bicause he was a cruell man, and would do all thinges by authority, they loved him not at SPARTA, nor trusted+ him at all: therefore did they put him out, & made Areus king, a very quiet man.  And this was the oldest quarrell Cleonymus had against the common wealth of SPARTA: but besides that, he had an other private quarrel, which grewe uppon this cause. In his olde yeares, Cleonymus had maried a fayer younge Lady called Chelidonide, which was also of the blood royall, and the daughter of Leotychides.  This Lady being fallen extreamely in love with Acrotatus, king Areus sonne, a goodly young gentleman, and in his lusty youth, she greatly vexed and dishonored her husbande Cleonymus, who was over heade and eares in love and jealousie with her: for there was not one in all SPARTA, but plainely knewe that his wife made none accompt of him.  And thus his home sorowes, being joyned with his outwarde common greves, even for spight, desiring a revenge, in choller he went to procure Pyrrus to come unto SPARTA, to restore him againe to his kingdome.  Hereupon he brought him into LACEDEMONIA forthwith, with five and twenty thowsand, 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-337>

footemen, two thowsand horse, and foure and twenty elephantes: by which preparacion, though by nothing else, the worlde might plainely see, that Pyrrus car,- with a minde not to restore Cleonymus againe unto SPARTA, but of intent to conquer for him selfe (if he could) all the contrie of PELOPONNESUS.  For in wordes he denied it to the LACEDAEMONIANS them selves, who sent Ambassadors unto him when he was in the City of MEGALIPOLIS, where he tolde them that he was come into PELOPONNESUS, to sette the townes and cities at libertie which Antigonus kept in bondage: and that his true intent and meaning was to send his young sonnes into SPARTA (so they would be contented) to the end they might be trained after the LACONIAN manner, and from their youth have this advantage above all other kinges, to have bene well brought up.  But faining these thinges, and abusing those that came to meete him on his way, they tooke no heede of him, till he came within the coast of LACONIA, into the which he was no sooner entred, but he beganne to spoyle and wast the whole contry.  And when the Ambassadors of SPARTA reproved and founde fault with him, for that he made warres upon them in such sorte, before he had openly proclaimed it: he made them aunswer: no more have you your selves used to proclaime that, which you purposed to do to others.  Then one of the Ambassadors called Mandricidas, replied againe unto him in the LACONIAN tongue.  If thou be a god, thou wilt doe us no hurt, bicause we have not offended thee: and if thou be a man, thou shalt meete with an other that shalbe better then thy selfe.  Then he marched directly to SPARTA, where Cleonymus gave him counsell even at the first, to assault it.  But he would not so do, fearing (as they sayd) that if he did it by night, his souldiers would sacke+ the city: and sayd it should be time enough to assault it the next day at broad day light, 

<Plut3-338>            PYRRUS

bicause there were but few men within the towne, and beside they were very ill provided.  And furthermore, king Areus him selfe was not there, but gone into CRETA to aide the GORTYNIANS, who had warres in their owne contry.  And doutlesse, that only was the saving of SPARTA from taking, that they made no reckening to assault it hotly: bicause they thought it was not able to make resistaunce.  For Pyrrus camped before the towne, throughly perswaded with him selfe that he should finde none to fight with him: and Cleonymus friends and servauntes also did prepare his lodging there, as if Pyrrus should have come to supper to him, and lodged with him.  When night was come the LACEDAEMONIANS counselled together, and secretly determined to send away their wives, and litle children into CRETA.  But the women them selves were against it, and there was one amonge them called Archidamia, who went into the Senate house with a sword in her hand, to speake unto them in the name of all the rest, and sayd: that they did their wives great wronge, if they thought them so fainte harted, as to live after SPARTA were destroyed.  Afterwards it was agreed in counsell, that they should cast a trenche before the enenues campe, and that at both the endes of the same they should bury cartes in the ground unto the middest of the wheeles, to the end that being fast set in the ground, they should stay the elephantes, & kepe them from passing further.  And when they begame to go in hand withall, there came wives & maides unto them, some of them their clothes girte up round about them, and others all in their smockes, to worke at this trenche with the old men, advising the young men that should fight the next morning, to rest them selves in the meane while. So the women tooke the third parte of the trenche to taske, which was six cubittes broade, foure cubits deepe, and eight hundred foote long as Philarchus 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-339>

sayth: or litle lesse as Hieronymus wryteth.  Then when the breake of day appeared, and the enemies removed to come to the assault: the women them selves fetched the weapons which they put into the young mens hands, and delivered them the taske of the trenche ready made, which they before had undertaken, praying them valliantly to keepe and defend it, tellinge them withall, howe great a pleasure it is to overcome the enemies, fighting in view and sight of their native contry, and what great felicity and honor it is to dye in the armes of his mother and wife, after he hath fought valliantly like an honeft man, and worthy of the magnanimity of SPARTA. But Chelidonida being gone a side, had tyed a halter with a riding knot about her necke, ready to strangle and hang her selfe, rather then to fall into the hands of Cleonymus, if by chaunce the city should come to be taken. Now Pyrrus marched in person with his battell of footemen, against the fronte of the SPARTANS, who being a great number also, did tary his conumng on the other side of the trenche: the which, beside that it was very ill to passe over, did let the souldiers also to fight steadely in order of battell, bicause the earth being newly cast up, did yeld under their feete. Wherefore, Ptlomie king Pyrrus sonne, passing all alongest the trench side with two thowsand GAULES, and all the choyce men of the CHAONIANS, assayed if he could get over to the other side at one of the endes of the trenche where the cartes were: which being set very deepe into the ground, and one joyned unto an other, they did not only hinder thassaylants, but the defendants also.  Howheit in the end, the GAULES began to plucke of the wheeles of these cartes, & to draw them into the river.  But Acrotatus, king Areus sonne, a young man, seeing the daunger, ranne through the city with a troup of three hundred lusty youthes besides, and went to inclose Ptolomie behinde before he espied him, 

<Plut3-340>            PYRRUS

for that he passed a secret hollow way till he came even to geve the charge upon them: whereby they were enforced to turne their faces towardes him, one runninge in an others necke, and so in great disorder were thrust into the trenches, and under the cartes: insomuch as at the last, with much a doe, and great bloodshed, Acrotatus and his company drave them backe, and repulsed them.  Now the women and old men, that were on thother side of the trencher saw plainly before their face, howe valliantly Acrotatus had repulsed the GAULES.  Wherefore, after Acrotatus had done this exployte, he returned againe through the city unto the place from whence he came, all on a goare blood, coragious and lively, for the victory he came newly from.  The women of SPARTA thought Acrotatus farre more noble and fayrer to beholde, then ever he was: so that they all thought Chelidonida happy to have such a frend and lover.  And there were certaine olde men that followed him, crying after him, goe thy way Acrotatus, and enjoy thy love Chelidonida: beget noble children of her unto SPARTA.  The fight was cruell on that side where Pyrrus was, and many of the SPARTANS fought very valiantly.  Howheit amongest other, there was one named Phillius, who after he had fought long, and slaine many of his enemies with his owne handes, that forced to passe over the trenche: perceiving that his hart fainted for the great number of woundes he had apon him, called one of them that were in the rancke next behinde him, & geving him his place, fell downe deade in the armes of his frendes, bicause his enemies shoulde not have his body.  In the ende, the battell havinge continued all the day longe, the night did separate them: and Pyrrus being layed in his bed, had this vision in his sleepe. He thought he strake the city of LACEDAEMON with lightning, and that he utterly consumed it: whereat he was so passing glad, that even with 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-341>

the very joy he awaked.  And thereuppon foorthwith commaunded his Captaines to make their men ready to the assault: and told his dreame unto his familiars, supposing that out of dout it did betoken he should in that approache take the citie.  All that heard it, beleved it was so, saving one Lysimachus: who to the contrary, sayed that this vision liked him not, bicause the places smitten with lightning are holy, and it is not lawfull to enter into them: by reason whereof he was also affraied, that the goddes did signifie unto him, that he should not enter into the citie of SPARTA.  Pyrrus aunswered him: that saied he, is a matter disputable to and fro in an open assembly of people, for there is no maner of certainty in it.  But furthermore, every man must take his weapon in his hand, and set this sentence before his eyes

A right good signe it is, that he would hazard life
In just defence of masters cause with speare and bloody knife.
     Alludinge unto Homers verses, which he wrote for the defence of his contry.  And saying thus, he rose, and at the breake of day led his army unto the assault.  On thother side also, the LACEDAEMONIANS with a marvelous corage and magnanimity, farre greater then their force bestirred them selves wonderfully to make resistaunce, having their wives by them that gave them their weapons wherewith they fought, and were ready at hand to geve meate and drinke to them that needed, and did also withdrawe those that were hurt to cure them.  The MA CEDONIANS likewise for their parte, endevored them selves with all their might to fill uppe the trenche with wodde and other thinges, which they cast upon the dead bodies and armors, lying in the bottome of the ditche: and the LACEDAEMONIANS againe, labored all that they could possible to let them.  But in this great broyle, one perceived Pyrrus a horse backe to have lept the trenche, past 
<Plut3-342>            PYRRUS

over the strength of the cartes, and make force to enter into the city. Wherfore those that were appointed to defende that part of the trench, cried out straight: and the women fell a shreeking, and running, as if all had bene lost.  And as Pyrrus passed further, striking downe with his owne handes all that stoode before him, a CRETAN shot at him, and strake his horse through both sides: who leapinge out of the prease for paine of his wounde, dying, caried Pyrrus away, and threw him uppon the hanging of a steepe hill, where he was in great daunger to fall from the toppe. This put all his servauntes and frendes about him in a marvelous feare, and therewithall the LACEDAEMONIANS seeing them in this feare & trouble ran immediately unto that place, and with force of shotte drave them all out of the trenche.  After this retyre, Pyrrus caused all assault to cease, hoping the LACEDAEMONIANS in the end would yeelde, consideringe there were many of them slaine in the two dayes past, and all the rest in maner hurt. Howheit, the good fortune of the citie (whether it were to prove the valliantnes of the inhabitantes them selves, or at the least to shew what power they were of even in their greatest nede and distresse, when the LACEDAEMONIANs had small hope left) brought one Aminias Phocian from CORINTHE, one of king Antigonus Captaines with a great band of men, and put them into the city to aide them: and straight after him, as soone as he had entred, king Areus arrived also on thother side from CRETA, and two thowsand souldiers with him.  So the women went home to their houses, makinge their reckening that they should not neede any more to trouble them selves with warres. They gave the olde men liberty also to goe and rest them selves, who being past all age to fight, for necessities sake yet were driven to arme them selves, and take weapon in hande: and in order of battell placed the newe come souldiers in their roomes. 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-343>

Pyrrus understanding that newe supplies were come, grewe to greater stomake then before, and inforced all that he could, to winne the towne by assault.  But in the end, when to his cost he founde that he wanne nothing but blowes, he gave over the siege, and went to spoyle all the contry about, determining to lye there in garrison all the winter.  He coulde not for all this avoid his destenie.  For there rose a sedition in the city of ARGOS betwene two of the chiefest citizens, Aristeas & Aristippus & bicause Aristeas thought that kinge Antigonus did favor his enemy Aristippus, he made hast to sende first unto Pyrrus, whose nature and disposition was such, that he did continually heape hope uppon hope, ever taking the present prosperity for an occasion to hope after greater to come.  And if it fell out he was a loser, then he sought to recover him selfe, and to restore his losse, by some other newe attempts.  So that neither for being conqueror, nor overcomen, he would ever be quiet, but alwayes troubled some, and him selfe also: by reason wherof, he sodainly departed towardes ARGOS.  But king Areus having layed ambushes for him in diverse places, & occupied also the straightest and hardest passages, by the which he was to passe: gave a charge uppon the GAULES and MOLOSSIANS, which were in the tayle of his army.  Now, the selfe same day Pyrrus was warned by a Soothsayer, who sacrificing had founde the liver of the sacrificed beast infected: that it betokened the losse of some most neere unto him.  But when he heard the noyse of the charge geven, he thought not of the forwarning of his Soothsayer, but commaunded his sonne to take his household servauntes with him, and to go thither: as he him selfe in the meane time with as great hast as he could, made the rest of his army marche, to get them quickely out of this daungerous way.  The fraye was very hotte about Ptolomie Pyrrus sonne, for they were all the chiefe 

<Plut3-344>            PYRRUS

men of the LACEDAEMONIANS with whome he had to doe, led by a valliant Captaine called Evalcus.  But as he fought valliantly against those that stoode before him, there was a souldier of CRETA called Orasus, borne in the citie of APTERA, a man very ready of his hande, and light of foote, who running alongest by him, strake him such a blowe on his side, that he fell downe dead in the place.  This prince Ptolomie being slaine, his company began straight to flie: and the LACEDAEMONIANS followed the chase so hottely, that they tooke no heede of them selves, untill they sawe they were in the plaine field farre from their footemen.  Wherefore, Pyrrus unto whom the death of his sonne was newly reported, being a fire with sorow and passion, turned sodainly upon them with the men of armes of the MOLOSSIANS, and being the first that came unto them, made a marvelous slaughter among them.  For, notwithstanding that every where before that time he was terrible and invincible, having his sword in his hande: yet then he did shewe more proofe of his valliantnes, strength, and corage then he had ever done before. And when he had sette spurres to his horse against Evalcus to close with him, Evalcus turned on the toe side, and gave Pyrrus such a blowe with his sword, that he missed litle the cutting of his bridle hande: for he cut in deede all the raines of the bridle a sunder.  But Pyrrus straight ranne him through the body with his speare, and lighting of from his horse, he put all the troupe of the LACEDAEMONIANS to the sword that were about the body of Evalcus, being all chosen men.  Thus the ambition of the Captaines was cause of that losse unto their contry for nothing, considering that the warres against them were ended.  But Pyrrus having now as it were made sacrifice of these poore bodies of the LACEDEMONIANS, for the soule of his dead sonne, and fought thus wonderfully also to honor his funeralls, converting a great parte 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-345>

of his sorow for his death, into anger+ and wrath against the enemies: he afterwardes held on his way directly towardes ARGOS.  And understanding that king Antigonus had already seased the hills that were over the valley, he lodged neere unto the city of NAUPLIA: and the next morning following sent a heraulde unto Antigonus, and gave him defyance, calling him wicked man, and chalenged him to come downe into the valley to fight with him, to trye which of them two should be king.  Antigonus made him aunswer, that he made warres as much with time, as with weapon: and furthermore, that if Pyrrus were weary of his life, he had wayes open enough to put him selfe to death.  The citizens of ARGOS also sent Ambassadors unto them both, to pray them to departe, sith they knew that there was nothing for them to see in the city of ARGOS, and that they would let it be a newter, & frend unto them both.  King Antigonus agreed unto it, and gave them his sonne for hostage.  Pyrrus also made them fayer promise to do so too, but bicause he gave no caution nor sufficient pledge to performe it, they mistrusted him the more.  Then there fel out many great and wonderful tokens, as wel unto Pyrrus, as unto the ARGIVES.  For Pyrrus having sacrificed oxen, their heades being striken of from their bodies, they thrust out their tongues, and licked up their owne blood.  And within the city of ARG0S, a sister of the temple of Apollo Lycias called Apollonide, ranne through the streetes, crying out that she saw the city full of murder, and blood running all about, and an Eagle that came unto the fraye, howheit she vanished away sodainly, and no body knewe what became of her.  Pyrrus then comminge hard to the walles of ARGOS in the night, and finding one of the gates called Diamperes, opened by Aristeas, he put in his GAULES: who possessed the market place, before the citizens knew any thing of it.  But bicause the gate was too low to passe 

<Plut3-346>            PYRRUS

the elephantes through with their towers upon their backes, they were driven to take them of, and afterwards when they were within, to put them on in the darke, and in tumulte: by reason whereof they lost much time, so that the citizens in the ende perceived it, & ran incontinently unto the castell of Aspides, and into other strong places of the city. And therewithall, they sent with present speede unto Antigonus, to pray him to come and helpe them, and so he did: and after he was come hard to the walles, he remained without with the skowtes, and in the meane time sent his sonne with his chiefest Captaines into the towne, who brought a great number of good souldiers and men of warre with them.  At the same time also arrived Areus, king of SPARTA, with a thowsand of the CRETANS, and most lusty SPARTANS: all which joyning together, came to geve a charge upon the GAULES that were in the market place, who put them in a marvelous feare and hazard.  Pyrrus entring on that side also of the city called Cylarabis, with terrible noyse and cries: when he understoode that the GAULES aunswered him not lustely and coragiously, he doubted straight that it was the voyce of men distressed, and that had their handes full.  Wherefore, he came on with speede to relieve them, thrusting the horsemen forwards that marched before him, with great daunger and paine, by reason of holes, and sinckes, and water conduites, whereof the city was full.  By this meane there was a wonderful confusion amongest them, as may be thought fightinge by night, where no man saw what he had to doe, nor could heare what was commaunded, by reason of the great noyse they made, straying here and there up and downe the streetes, thone scattered from the other: neither could the Captaines set their men in order, as wel for the darkenes of the night, as also for the confused tumult that was all the city over, and for that the streetes 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-347>

also were very narrow.  And therefore they remained on both sides without doing any thing, looking for day light: at the dawning wherof, Pyrrus perceived the castel of Aspides, ful of his armed enemies.  And furthermore, sodainly as he was come into the market place, amongest many other goodly common workes sette out to beautifie the same, he spied the images of a bull and a woulfe in copper, the which fought one with an other.  This sight made him afrayed, bicause at that present he remembred a prophecy that had bene tolde him, that his end and death should be, when he sawe a woulfe and a bull fight together:  The ARGIVES reported that these images were set up in the market place, for the remembraunce of a certaine chaunce that had happened in their contrie.  For when Danaus came thither first, by the way called Pyramia (as one would say, land sowen with corne) in the contry of THYREATIDE, he saw as he went, a woulfe fight with a bull: whereupon he stayed to see what the end of their fight would come to, supposing the case in him selfe, that the woulfe was of his side, bicause that being a straunger as he was, he came to set uppon the naturall inhabitantes of the contry.  The woulfe in the ende obtained the victory: wherefore Danaus making his prayer unto Apollo Lycias, followed on his enterprise, and had so good successe, that he drave Gelanor out of ARGOS, who at that time was king of the ARGIVES.  And thus you heare the cause why they say these images of the woulfe and bull were set up in the market place of ARGOS. Pyrrus being halfe discoraged with the sight of them, and also bicause nothinge fell out well according to his expectacion, thought hest to retyre: but fearing the straitenesse of the gates of the city, he sent unto his sonne Helenus, whome he had left without the city with the greatest parte of his force and army, commaunding him to overthrow a peece of the wall that his men might the 

<Plut3-348>            PYRRUS

more readily get out, and that he might receive them, if their enemies by chaunce did hinder their comming out.  But the messenger whom he sent, was so hasty & fearefull, with the tumult that troubled him in going out, that he did not well understand what Pyrrus sayd unto him, but reported his message quite contrary.  Whereuppon the young prince Helenus taking the best souldiers he had with him, and the rest of his elephantes, entred into the city to helpe his father, who was now geving backe: and so long as he had roome to fight at ease, retyring still, he valliantly repulsed those that set upon him, turning his face oft unto them.  But when he was driven unto the streete that went from the market place to the gate of the city, he was kept in with his owne men that entered at the same gate to helpe him.  But they coulde not heare when Pyrrus cried out, and bad them go backe, the noyse was so great: and though the first had heard him, and would have gone backe, yet they that were behinde, and did stil thrust forward into the prease, did not permit them.  Besides this moreover, the biggest of all the elephantes by misfortune fell downe overthwart the gate, where he grindinge his teeth did hinder those also, that would have comen out and geven backe.  Furthermore, an other of the elephantes that were entred before into the city, called Nicon (as much to say, as conquering) seeking his governor that was striken downe to the ground from his backe with terrible blowes: ran upon them that came backe upon him, overthrowing frendes and foes one in an others necke, til at the length having founde the body of his master slaine, he lift him up from the ground with his troncke, and carying him upon his two tushes, returned backe with great fury, treading all under feete he found in his way.  Thus every man being thronged and crowded up together in this sorte, there was not one that could help him selfe: for it seemed to be a masse and heape of a multitude, and one whole body shut together, 

PYRRUS           <Plut3-349>

which sometime thrust forward, & somtime gave backe, as the sway went.  They fought not so much against their enemies, who set apon them behinde: but they did them selves more hurt, then their enemies did.  For if any drew out his sword, or based his pyke, he could neither scabard thone againe, nor lift up thother, but thrust it full upon his owne fellowes that came in to helpe them, and so killed themselves one thrust in upon an other.  Wherefore Pyrrus seeing his people thus troubled and harried to and fro, tooke his crowne from his heade which he ware apon his helmet, that made him knowen of his men a farre of, and gave it unto one of his familiars that was next unto him: and trusting then to the goodnes of his horse, flewe upon his enemies that followed him.  It fortuned that one hurt him with a pyke, but the wound was neither daungerous nor great: wherfore Pyrrus set upon him that had hurt him, who was an ARGIAN borne, a man of meane condition, & a poore olde womans sonne, whose mother at that present time was gotten up to the toppe of the tyles of a house, as all other women of the city were, to see the fight.  And she perceiving that it was her sonne whome Pyrrus came apon, was so afrighted to see him in that daunger, that she tooke a tyle, and with both her handes cast it apon Pyrrus.  The tyle falling of from his head by reason of his head peece, lighted full in the nape of his necke, and brake his necke bone a sunder: wherewith he was sodainly so benummed, that he lost his sight with the blow, the raines of his bridle fell out of his hande, and him selfe fell from his horse to the ground, by Licymmias tombe, before any man knew what he was, at the least the common people.  Untill at the last there came one Zopyrus, that was in pay with Antigonus, & two or three other souldiers also that ran straight to the place, and knowing him, dragged his body into a gate, even as he was comming againe to him selfe out of this traunse. This Zopyrus drewe out a SLAVON sword he wore by his 

<Plut3-350>            PYRRUS

side, to strike of his head.  But Pyrrus cast such a grimme countenance on him betwene his eyes, that made him so afrayed, and his hand so to shake therewith that being thus amazed, he did not strike him right in the place where he should have cut of his head, but killed him under his mouth about his chinne, so that he was a great while ere he could strike of his head. The matter was straight blowen abroade amongest diverse: whereupon Alconeus running thither, asked for the head that he might know it againe.  But when he had it, he ranne presently unto his father withall, and found him talking with his familiar frends, and cast Pyrrus head before him.  Antigonus looking upon it, when he knew it, layed apon his sonne with his staffe, and called him cruell murderer, and unnatural barbarous beast: and so hyding his eyes with his cloke, wept for pity, (remembring the fortune of his grandfather Antigonus, and of his father Demetrius) and then caused Pyrrus head and body to be honorably burnt and buried.  Afterwards Alcyoneus meeting Helenus (king Pyrrus sonne) in very poor state, mufled up with a poore shorte cloke: used him very curteously with gentle wordes, and brought him to his father. Antigonus seeing his sonne bringing of him, sayd unto him: this parte now (my sonne) is better then the first, and pleaseth me a great deale more. But yet thou hast not done all thou shouldest: for thou shouldest have taken from him his beggerly cloke he weareth, which doth more shame us that are the gainers, then him that is the loser.  After he had spoken these wordes, Antigonus embraced Helenus, and having apparelled him in good sorte, sent him home with honorable convoy into his realme of EPIRUS.  Furthermore, seasing all Pyrrus campe and army, he curteously received all his frendes and servauntes.

The end of Pyrrus life.


The Life of Caius Marius+

IT is not knowen what was the third name of Caius Marius, no more then of Quintius Sertorius, who had all SPAYNE in his handes at one time: nor of Lucius Mummius, he that destroyed the citie of CORINTHE.  For this name of Achaicus, that was geven unto Mummius, of Afrianus unto Scipio: and of Numidicus unto Metellus: were all surnames given them, by reason of the conquestes they wan.  By this reason Posidonius thinketh to overcome them that say, that the third name the ROMAINES have, is their proper name: as Camillus, Marcellus, Cato.  For if it fell out so, sayd he, then it must needes follow that they which have two names, should have no proper name. But on the other side also, he doth not consider that by the like reason he should say, that

<Plut3-352>            CAIUS MARIUS

women have no names: for there is not a woman in ROME that is called by her first name which Posidonius judgeth to be the proper name of the ROMAINES.  And that of the other two, the one is the common name of all the house or family, as of the POMPEIANS, of the MANLIANS, & of the CORNELIANS, like as the HERACLIDES and the PELOPIDES are amongest the GREECIANS: and the other is a surname taken of the deedes, or of the nature, forme, or shape of the body, or of some other like accident, as are these surnames, Macrinus, Torquatus, and Sylla.  Even as amongest the GREECIANS likewise, Mnemon, which signifieth having a good memory:  Grypos, having a crooked nose:  Callinicos, conquering.  But as for that, the diversitie of custome would deliver objection sufficient to the contrary, to him that listed. And furthermore, as touching the favor of Marius face, we have seene an image of his in marbell at RAVENNA, a city of the GAULES, which doth lively represent that rough severity of nature and maner which they say was in him.  For being borne a tough man by nature, and geven to the warres, and having followed the same altogether from his youth, more then the civill life: when he came to authority, he could not bridle his anger+ and chollericke nature.  And they say furthermore, that he never learned the Greeke tongue, nor used it in any matters of weight: as though it had bene a mockery to study to learne the tongue, the masters whereof lived in bondage under others.  After his second triumphs, in the dedication of a certaine temple, he made Greeke playes to shewe the ROMAINES pastime: and came into the Theater, howheit he did but sit downe only, and went his way straight. Wherfore me thinkes, that as Plato was wont to say oft unto Xenocrates the Philosopher, who was of a currish nature, had his head ever occupied, and to severe:  Xenocrates, my frend:  I pray thee doe sacrifice to the Graces. So, 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-353>

if any man could have perswaded Marius to have sacrificed to the Muses, and to the GREECIAN Graces+: (that is to say, that he had knowen the Greeke tongue) to so many famous and glorious deedes as he did, both in peace and warres, he had not joyned so unfortunate and miserable an end as he made, through his choller & extreame ambition, at such yeares and through an unsatiable covetousnes, which like boysterous windes made him to make shipwracke of all, in a most cruell, bloody, and unnaturall age.  The which is easily knowen in reading the discourse of his doinges.  First of all he was of a meane house, borne of poore parents by father and mother, that got their livings by sweate of their browes.  His father as him selfe, was called Caius:  Fulcinia was his mother.  And this was the cause why he beganne so late to haunt the city, and to learne the civility and manners of ROME, having bene brought up alwayes before in a litle poore village called CIRROEATON, within the territory of the city of ARPOS: where he led a hard contry life, in respect of those that lived pleasauntly and finely in the cities, but otherwise well reformed, and nearest unto the manners of the auncient ROMAINES. The first jorney he made unto the warres, was against the CELTIBERIANS in SPAYNE, under Scipio AFRICAN, when he went to besiege the city of NUMANTIA: where his Captaines in shorte time found that he was a better souldier, then any other of his companions.  For he did marvelous easily receive the reformation of manners, and the discipline of warres, which Scipio advaunced amongest his souldiers that were ill trained before, and geven over to all pleasure.  And they say, that in the sight of his Generall he fought hand to hand with one of his enemies, and slew him: upon which occasion, Scipio to make him love him, did offer him many curtesies+ and pleasures. But specially one day above the rest, having made him suppe 

<Plut3-354>            CAIUS MARIUS

with him at his table, some one after supper falling in talke of Captaines that were in ROME at that time: one that stoode by Scipio, asked him (either bicause in deede he stoode in doubt, or else for that he would curry favor with Scipio) what other Captaine the ROMAINES have like unto him.  Scipio having Marius by him, gently clapped him apon his shoulder, and sayd: peradventure this shalbe he.  Thus happely were they both borne, the one to shew from his youth that one day he should come to be a great man, and the other also for wisely conjecturing the end, by seeing of the beginning.  Well, it fortuned so, that these words of Scipio (by reporte) above all things else put Marius in a good hope, as if they had bene spoken by the oracle of some god, and made him bold to deale in matters of state & common wealth: where, by meanes of the favor and countenaunce Cacilius Metullus gave him (whose house his father and he had alwayes followed and honored) he obtained the office of Tribuneshippe. this office he preferred a law touching the manner howe to geve the voyces in election of the Magi!strates, which did seeme to take from the nobility the authority they had in judgement. And therefore the Consull Cotta stepped up against it, and perswaded the Senate to resist that lawe, and not suffer it to be authorised, and therewithall presently to call Marius before them to yeld a reason of his doing.  So was it agreed uppon in the Senate.  Now Marius comming into the Senate, was not abashed at any thing, as some other young man would have bene, that had but newly begonne to enter into the world as he did, and having no other notable calling or quality in him, saving his vertue only to commend him: but taking boldenes of him selfe (as the noble actes he afterwards did, gave show of his valor) he openly threatned the Consull Cotta to sende him to prison, if he did not presently 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-355> withdrawe the

conclusion he had caused to be resolved apon.  The Consull then turning him selfe unto Cacilius Metellus, asked him how he liked it?  Metellus standing up, spake in the behalfe of the Consull: and then Marius calling a sergeaunt out, conunaunded him to take MeteIlus selfe, and to cary him to prison. Metellus appealed to the other Tribunes, but never a one would take his matter in hand: so that the Senate when all was done, were compelled to call backe the conclusion that before was taken.  Then Marius returning with great honor into the market place among the assembly of the people, caused this law to passe and be authorised: and every man held opinion of him that he would prove a stowt man, and such a one, as would not stoupe for any feare, nor shrinke for bashfullnes, but would beard the Senate in favor of the people.  Notwithstanding, he shortly after chaunged opinion, and altered the first, by an other act he made.  For when an other went about to have a law made, to distribute corne unto every citizen without payment of any penny, he was vehemently against it, and overthrew it: so that thereby he came to be a like honored and estemed of either party, as he that would neither pleasure the one, nor the other, to the prejudice of the common wealth.  After he had bene Tribune, he sued for the chiefest office of AEdilis.  Of the AEdiles there are two sortes: the first is called AEdilitas Curulis, so named bicause of certaine chayers that have crooked feete, upon which they sit when they geve audience.  The other is of lesse dignity, and that is called AEdilitas populares: and when they have chosen the first and greater AEdilis at ROME, they presently proceede the same day also in the market place unto election of the lesser.  Marius seeing plainely that he was put by the chiefest of the AEdiles, turned againe straight yet to demaund the second: but this was misliked in him, and they tooke him for too 

<Plut3-356>            CAIUS MARIUS

bold, too shameless and too presumptuous a man.  So that in one selfe day he had two denyalles and repulses, which never man but him selfe before had.  And neverthelesse, all this could not cut his combe, but shortely after he sued also for the Praetorshippe, and he lacked but litle of the deniall of that: yet in the ende, being last of all chosen, he was accused to have bribed the people, and bought their voyces for money.  And surely amongest many other, this presumption was very great: that they saw a man of CASSIUS SABACON within the barres where the election is made, running to and fro amonge them that gave their voyces, bicause this Sabacon was Marius very great frend.  The matter came before the judges, and Sabacon was examined upon it.  Whereunto he aunswered, that for the great extreame heate he felt, he was very dry, and asked for colde water to drinke, and that this man had brought him some in a potte where he was, howbeit that he went his way as soone as ever he had dronke.  This Sabacon was afterwardes put out of the Senate by the next Censors, and many judge that he was worthy of this infamy, for that he was perjured in judgement, or bicause he was so subject & geven to his pleasure+.  Caius Herenniius was also called for a witnesse against Marius: but he did alleage for his excuse, that the law and custome did dispense with the Patrone, to be a witnesse against his follower and client, and he was quit by the judges.  For the ROMAINES alwayes call those Patrons, who take the protection of meaner then them selves into their handes: saying, that Marius predecessors, and Marius him selfe, had ever bene followers of the house of the HERENNIANS.  The judges received his aunswere, and allowed thereof.  But Marius spake against it, alleaging, that since he had received this honor to beare office in the common wealth, he was now growen from this base condicion, to be any more a follower of 

CAIUS MARIUS <Plut3-nbsp;         <Plut3-357>

any man: the which was not true in all.  For every office of a Magistrate doth not exempt him that hath the office, nor yet his posterity, to be under the patronage of an other, nor doth discharge him from the duety of honoring them: but of necessity he must be a Magistrate, which the law doth permit to sit in the crooked chayer called Curulis, that is to say, caried uppon a charet through the city.  But notwithstanding that at the first hearing of this cause, Marius had but ill successe, & that the judges were against him all they could: yet in the ende for all that, at the last hearing of his matter, Marius, contrary to all mens opinions, was discharged, bicause the judges opinions with and against him fell to be of like number.  He used him selfe very orderly in his office of Praetorshippe, and after his yeare was out, when it came to devide the provinces by lot, SPAINE fell unto him, which is beyond the river of Baetis; where it is reported that he skowred all the contrie thereabouts of theeves and robbers, which notwithstanding was yet very cruell & savage, for the rude, barbarous, and uncivill manner and facion of life of the inhabitantes there.  For the SPANYARDS were of opinion even at that time, that it was a goodly thinge to live apon thefte and robbery.  At his returne to ROME Out of SPAYNE, desiring to deale in matters of the common wealth, he saw that he had neither eloquence nor riches, which were the two meanes, by the which those that were at that time in credit and authority, did cary the people even as they would.  Notwithstanding, they made great accompt of his constancy+ and noble minde they found in him, of his great paynes and travell he tooke continually, and of the simplicity+ of his life: which were causes to bring him to honor and preferment, insomuch as he maried very highly.  For he maried Julia, that was of the noble house of the Caesars, and aunte unto Julius Caesar: who afterwardes came to be 

<Plut3-358>            CAIUS MARIUS

the chiefest man of all the ROMAINES, and who by reason of that allyance betwene them, seemed in some thinges to followe Marius, as we have wrytten in his life.  Marius was a man of great temperaunce+ and pacience+, as may be judged by an acte he did, puttinge him selfe into the handes of surgeons. For his shanckes and legges were full of great swollen veynes, and being angrie bicause it was no pleasaunt thinge to beholde: he determined to put him selfe into the handes of surgeons to be cured.  And first, laying out one of his legges to the surgeon to worke upon, he would not be bound as others are in the like case: but paciendy abode all the extreame paines a man must of necessity feele being cut, without sturring, groning, or sighing, still keeping his countenaunce, and sayed never a word.  But when the surgeon had done with his first legge, and would have gone to the other, he would not geve it him: nay sayd he, I see the cure is not worth the paine I must abide.  Afterwardes, Cacilius Metellus the Consull being appointed to go into AFRICKE, to make warre with king Jugurthe, tooke Marius with him for one of his Lieutenauntes.  Marius being there, seeing notable good service to be done, and good occasion to shew his manhoode, was not of minde in this voyage to increase Metellus honor and reputacion, as other Lieutenauntes did: and thought that it was not Metellus that called him forth for his Lieutenaunt, but fortune+ her selfe that presented him a fit occasion to raise him to greatnes, and (as it were) did lead him by the hand into a goodly field, to put him to the proofe of that he coulde doe.  And for this cause therefore, he endevored him selfe to shew all the possible proofes of valliantnesse & honor he could.  For, the warres being great continually there, he never for feare refused any attempt or service, how daungerous or painfull so ever it were, neither disdained to take any service in hand, were it never so litle: but ex- 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-359>

ceeding all other his fellowes and companions in wisedome and foresight, in that which was to be done, and striving with the meanest souldiers in living hardly and painefully, wanne the goodwill and favor of every man. For to say truely, it is a great comforte and refreshing to souldiers that labor, to have companions that labor willingly with them.  For they thinke that their company laboring with them, doth in mamer take away the compulsion and necessity.  Furthermore, it pleaseth the ROMAINE souldier marvelously to see the Generall eate openly of the same bread he eateth, or that he lyeth on a hard bed as he doth, or that him selfe is the first man to set his hande to any worke when a trenche is to be cast, or their campe to be fortified.  For they doe not so much esteeme the Captaines, that honor and reward them: as they doe those that in daungerous attempts labor, and venture their fives with them.  And further, they do farre better love them that take paines with them., then those that suffer them to live idlely by them. {condescension+} Marius performing all this, and winning thereby the love and goodwill of his souldiers: he straight filled all LIBYA and the city of ROME with his glory, so that he was in every manns mouth.  For they that were in the campe in AFRICKE, wrote unto them that were at ROME, that they should never see the ende of these warres against this barbarous king, if they gave not the charge unto Marius, and chose him Consull.  These thinges misliked Metellus very much, but specially the misfortune that came apon Turpilius, did marvelously trouble him: which fell out in this sorte.  Turpilius was Metellus frende, yea he and all his parentes had followed Metellus in this warre, being master of the workes in his campe.  Metellus made him governor over the city of VACCA, a goodly great city: and he using the inhabitantes of the same very gently and curteously, mistrusted nothing, till he was fallen into the handes of his 

<Plut3-360>            CAIUS MARIUS

enemies through their treason.  For they had brought king Jugurthe into their city unknowing to him, howbeit they did him no hurt, but onely begged him of the king, and let him goe his way safe.  And this was the cause why they accused Turpilius of treason.  Marius being one of his judges in the counsell, was not contented to be bitter to him him selfe, but moved many of the counsell besides to be against him.  So that Metellus by the voyces of the people, was driven against his will to condemne him, to suffer as a traitor: and shortly after it was founde, and proved, that Turpilius was wrongfully condemned, and put to death.  To say truely, there was not one of the counsel but were very sory with Metellus, who marvelous impaciently tooke the death of the poore innocent.  But Marius contrarily rejoyced, and tooke it upon him that he pursued his death, and was not ashamed to make open vauntes, that he had hanged a fury about Metellus necke, to revenge his frendes blood, whom he giltlesse had caused to be put to death.  After that time they became mortall enemies.  And they say, that one day Metellus to mocke him withall, sayd unto him:  O good man, thou wilt leave us then, and returne to ROME to sue for the Consulshippe, and canst thou not be contented to tary to be Consull with my sonne?  Now his sonne at that time was but a boy.  But whatsoever the matter ment, Marius left him not so, but labored for leave all he could possible.  And Metellus after he had used many delayes and excuses, at the length gave him leave, twelve dayes only before the day of election of the Consulls.  Wherefore Marius made hast, and in two dayes and a night came from the campe to Utica apon the sea side, which is a marvelous way from it: and there before he tooke shippe, did sacrifice unto the goddes, and the Soothsayer tolde him, that the goddes by the signes of his sacrifices, did promise him uncredible prosperity, and so great, as he 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-361>

himselfe durst not hope after.  These wordes made Marius hart greater. Whereupon he hoysed sayle, and having a passing good gale of winde in the poope of the shippe, passed the seaes in foure dayes, and being landed, rode poste to ROME.  When he was arrived, he went to shewe him selfe unto the people: who were marvelous desirous to see him.  And being brought by one of the Tribunes of the people unto the pulpit for orations, after many accusations which he objected against Metellus, in the end he besought the people to choose him Consull, promising that within few dayes he would either kill, or take king Jugurthe prisoner.  Whereupon he was chosen Consull without any contradiction.  And so soone as he was proclaimed, he beganne immediatly to leavie men of warre, causing many poore men that had nothing, and many slaves also, to be enrolled against the order of auncient custome: where other Captaines before him did receive no such maner of men, and did no more suffer unworthy men to be souldiers, then they did allow of unworthy officers in the common wealth: in doing the which every one of them that were enrolled, left their goodes behinde them, as a pledge of their good service abroade in the warres.  Yet this was not the matter that made Marius to be most hated, but they were his stowte prowde wordes, full of contempt of others, that did chiefely offende the noble men in the city. For he proclaimed it every where abroade as it were, that his Consullshippe was a spoyle he had gotten of the effeminate+ riche noble men through his valliantnes, and that the wounds which he had upon his body for service of the connnon wealth, and not the monuments of the dead, not the images and statues of others, were those that recommended him to the people, nor were his strength.  And ofttimes naming Albinus, and otherwhile Bestia, both noble men, and of great houses, who having bene 

<Plut3-362>            CAIUS MARIUS

Generalls of the ROMAINE army, had very ill fortune in the contry of LIBYA: he called them cowardes, and simple souldiers, asking them that were about him, if they did not thinke that their auncesters would rather have wished to have left their children that came of them like unto him selfe, then such as they had bene: considering that they them selves had wonne honor and glory, not for that they were descended of noble blood, but through their deserved vertue and valliant deedes.  Now Marius spake not these wordes in a foolishe bravery, and for vaine glory onely, to purchase the ill will of the nobility for nothing: but the common people being very glad to see him shame and despite the Senate, and measuring alwayes the greatnes of his corage with his hawty fierce wordes, they egged him forward still not to spare the nobility, and to reprove the great men, so that he ever held with the communalty.  And furthermore, when he was passed over againe into AFRICKE, it spited Metellus to the hart, bicause that he having ended all the warre, that there remained almost no more to take or winne, Marius should come in that sorte to take away the glory and triumphe out of his handes, having sought to rise and increase by unthankefuunes towards him.  He would not come to him therefore, but went an other way, and left the army with Rutilius one of his Lieutenauntes, to deliver the same unto him.  Howheit the revenge of this ingratitude, lighted in the ende upon Marius owne necke.  For Sylla tooke out of Marius hands, the honor of ending this warre: even as Marius had taken it from Metellus.  But how, and after what sorte, I will repeate it in few words, bicause we have written the particularities more at large in the life of Sylla.  Bocchus king of high NUMIDIA, was father in law unto king Jugurthe, unto whom he gave no great aide, whilsgt he made warres with the ROMAINES, bicause he hated his unfaithfullnes, and feared 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-363>

least he would make him selfe greater then he was: but the end, after Jugurthe had fled, and wandered up an downe in every place, he was constrained of very necessity to cast his last hope and ancker apon him, as his finallrefuge, and so repayre unto him.  King Bocchus received him rather for shame, bicause he durst not punish him, then for any love or goodwill he bare him: and having him in his hands, seemed openly to intreate Marius for him, and secretly to wryte the contrary unto him.  But in the meane time, he practised treason under hande, and sent prively for Lucius Sylla, who then was Quaestor (to say, high treasorer) under Marius, and of whome he had received certaine pleasures in those warres.  Sylla trusting to this barbarous king, went at his sending for to him.  But when he was come, king Bocchus repented him of his promise, and altered his minde, standing many dayes in doubt with him selfe howe to resolve, whether he should deliver king Jugurthe, or keepe Sylla him selfe: yet at the last he went on with his purpose and intended treason, and delivered kind Jugurthe alive into Syllaes hands. And this was the first originall cause of the pestilent and mortall enmitie that grew afterwardes betwixt Marius and Sylla, and was like to have utterly overthrowen the citie of ROME, and to have rased the foundation of the empyre unto the grounde.  For many envyinge the glorie of Marius, gave it out every where, that this acte of the taking of king Jugurthe, appertained only unto Sylla: and Sylla him selfe caused a ring to be made, which he ware commonly, and had graven upon the stone of the same, how Bocchus delivered Jugurthe into his handes.  And afterwardes he made it allwayes his seale to dispite Marius with all, who was an ambitious and proude man, and coulde abide no companion to be partaker of the glorie of his doings: and Sylla did it specially at the procurement of enemies and ill willers, who gave the glory of 

<Plut3-364>            CAIUS MARIUS

the beginning and chiefe exployts of this warre, unto Metellus, and the last and finall conclusion unto Sylla, to the ende that the people should not have Marius in so great estimacion and good opinion, as they had before.  But all this envy, detraction, and hatred against Marius, was soone after extinguished and troden under foote, by reason of the great daunger that fell apon all ITALIE out of the West: and they never spake of it afterwardes, knowing that the common wealth stoode in neede of a good Captaine, and that they beganne to looke about, and consider who should be that great wise Pylot, that might save and preserve it, from so exceding daungerous storme of warres.  For there was not a noble man of all the auncient houses of ROME, that durst undertake to offer him selfe to demaunde the Consullshippe: but Marius being absent, was chosen Consull the second time. For Jugurthe was no sooner taken, but newes came to ROME, of the comming downe of the TEUTONS, and of the CIMBRES, the which would not be beleved at the first, by reason of the infinite number of the fighting men which was sayd to be in their company, and for the uncredible force and power of armies which was justified to come also: but afterwardes they knew plainly, that the rumor that ranne abroade was lesse, then the troth fell out in deede.  For they were three hundred thowsand fighting mane all armed, who brought with them also another multitude as great (or more) of women and children: which wandered up and downe seeking contries and townes to dwell and live in, as they heard say the GAULES had done in olde time, who leaving their owne contry, came, and had possessed the best parte of ITALIE, which they had taken away from the THUSCANS.  Now to say truely, no man knewe of what nation they were, nor from whence they came: as well for that they had no frendshippe with any other people, as also bi- 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-365>

cause they came out of a farre contry, as a clowde of people that was spred all over GAULE and ITALIE.  It was douted much that they came out of GERMANYE, dwelling about the north sea: and this they conjectured by viewe of the greatnes of their bodies, and also for that they had darke blew eyes and redde, besides that the GERMANES in their tongue doe call theeves and robbers, Cimbri.  Other say that Celtica, for the great length and largenes of the contry, stretching it selfe from the coast of the great Occean sea and from the north partes drawing towardes the marisses Moeotides, and the East runneth into SCYTHIA, or TARTARIA PONTICA: & that for neighbourhood these two nations joyned together, and went out of their contrie, not that they made this great voyage all at one time, but at many sundry times, marching yearely in the spring further and further into the contry.  And thus by continuance of time, they passed by force of armes through all the firme lande of EUROPE: and that for this cause, although they had many particular names according to the diversitie of their nations, yet all this masse and multitude of people gathered together, were called notwithstanding, the army of the CELTOSCYTHES, as who would say, the CELTOTARTARES. Other hold opinion that the nation of the CIMMERIANS, who were knowen in old time for auncient GREECIANS, the one parte of them were not very great in respect of the whole, the which being fled (or driven out of their contrie for some civill dissention) were compelled by the TARTARES to passe beyond the marisses Moeotides, into the contries of ASIA, under the conduction of a Captaine called Ligdamis.  But the residue of them which were a farre greater number, and more warlike men, they dwelt in the furdest partes of the earth, adjoyning unto the great Occean sea, in a darke shadowed contrie, covered with wonderfull forrest, of such length, and so great and 

<Plut3-366>            CAIUS MARIUS

thicke, and the trees so high, that the sunne can have no power upon the ground, and they joyne hard upon the great forest of Hercynia.  And furthermore, they are under such a climate, where the pole is of such a height by the inclination of the circles equidistant, which they call Parallelles, that it is not farre from the poynte that aunswereth directly to the plummet uppon the head of the inhabitantes: and where the dayes are equinoctiall, they doe devide all their time in two partes, the which geveth Homer occasion to fayne, that when Ulisses would call upon the dead, he went into the contry of the CIMMERIANS, as into the contry of hell.  And this is the cause why they say these barbarous people left their owne contries to come into ITALIE, which from the beging were called CIMMERIANS, and afterwardes they say (and not without great likelyhoode) that they were surnamed CIMBRE howebeit that is spoken rather by a likely conjecture, then by any assured troth of history.  And as for the multitude of men, the most parte of historiographers doe wryte, that they were rather moe, then lesse then we have spoken of and that they were so hardy and valliant, that nothing coulde stande before them, they did so great thinges by the strength of their handes where they fought with any, so violently, and so sodainely, that they seemed to be like a lightninge fire all about where they came.  By meanes whereof, they met with no man that durst resist them, but scraped together and caried away, all that they found, hande over head: and there were many ROMAINE Captaines appointed governors to keepe that which the ROMAINE,s held in GAULE beyonde the mountaines, who with great armies were shamefully overthrowen by them.  The cowardllynes of those, whom they had overcome, was the chiefest cause that moved them to direct their jorney to ROME.  For when they had vanquished the first they fought withall, and gotten great 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-367>

richesse also: they were so fleshed by this, that they determined to stay no where before they had first destroyed ROME, and sacked all ITALIE. The ROMAINEs hearing of this out of all partes, sent for Marius to geve him the conduction and leading of these warres, and chose him Consull the seconde time: notwithstanding that it was directly against the lawe, that did expressely forbid any man to be chosen being absent, and untill also a certaine time appointed had past betwene the vacation and election, before they could choose him officer twise in one office.  Some alleaged this law, of intent to hinder the election.  But the people repulst them, objecting to the contrary: that this was not the first time the lag had geven place to the benefit of the common_wealth+, and that the occasion offered to abrogate the law at that present was no lesse, then former occasions by the which they chose Scipio Consull, against the course and time appointed by the law, not for any feare they stoode in to lose their owne contrie, but for the desire they had to destroy the contry of the CARTHAGINIANS, by reason whereof the people proceeded to election.  And Marius bringing home his armie againe out of LIBYA into ITALIE, tooke possession of his Consulship the first day of January (on which day the ROMAINES beginne their yeare) and therwithall made his triumphe into the city of ROME, showing that to the ROMAINES, which they thought never to have seene: and that was, kinge Jugurthe prisoner, who was so subtill a man, and coulde so well frame him selfe unto his fortune, and with his craft and subtiltie was of so great corage besides, that none of his enemies ever hoped to have had him alive.  But it is sayd, that after he was led in this triumphe, he fell mad straight apon it.  And the pompe of triumphe being ended, he was caried into prisone, where the sergeauntes for hast to have the spoyle of him, tare his apparell by force from of his backe: 

<Plut3-368>            CAIUS MARIUS

and bicause they would take away his rich golde eare ringes that honge ayt his eares, they pulled away with them the typpe of his eare, and then cast him naked to the bottom of a deepe dungeon, his wittes being altogether troubled.  Yet when they did throw him downe, laughing he sayd:  O Hercules, colde are your stoves.  He lived there yet six dayes, fighting with hunger, and desiring alwayes to prolong his miserable life unto the last hower: the which was a just deserved punishment for his wicked life.  In this triumphe were caried (as they say) three thowsand and seven hundred pound weight in gold, and of silver nygots, five thowsand seven hundred and lxxv. pounde weight: and more in golde and ready coyne, eight and twenty thowsand and seven hundred crownes.  After this triumphe, Marius caused the Senate to assemble within the Capitoll, where he entred into the companie with his triumphinge robe, either bicause he forgot it, or else of too grosse and uncivill arrogancy: {brag+} but perceiving that all the assemblie misliked of it, he .rose sodainly, and tooke his long Consulls gowne, and then returned quickely againe into his place.  Furthermore Marius departing to goe to the warres, thought to traine his army by the way, and to harden his souldiers unto labor, causing them to runne every way, making great longe jorneys, compelling ech souldier to cary his owne furniture, and to prepare him necessary vittells to finde him selfe withall: so that ever after they made a proverbe of it, and called such as were paineful and willing to do that which they were commauded without grudging, Marius moyles.  Other notwithstanding, do shew an other cause and beginning of this proverbe. For they say, that Scipio lying at the sege of the city of NUMANTIA, would not only take view of the armor and horses of service that were in his armie, but also of the moyles and other beastes of burden, bicause he would see how they 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-369>

were kept and furnished.  So Marius brought his horse and moyle to the muster which he kept him selfe, fatte, fayer, and very well drest, and his moyles heare so slike and smooth, and therewithall so lusty and trimme, as none of the rest were like unto them.  Scipio tooke great pleasure to see these beastes so well kept, and in so good plyte: insomuch as he spake of it afterwards many a time and oft.  And upon his words, this manner of talke was taken up ever after, and became a common proverbe: when they meane to mocke any man that is painefull and geven to sore labor, makinge as though they would praise him, they call him Marius moyle.  Furthermore, it was a happy tume for Marius (in mine opinion) that these barbarous people (like in force to the beating backe of the raging seaes) turned their first fury towardes SPAYNE: and that he in the meane space had time and leasure to traine and exercise his souldiers, to make them bolde, and withall, him selfe to be throughly knowen amongest them.  For when by litle and litle they had learned not to offend, nor disobey: then they found his rough commaunding, & sharpe severity in punishing such as slacke their duety, both profitable and very necessarie, besides that it was also just and reasonable.  Againe, his great fury, his sharpe words, and his fierce lookes, after they had a while bene used to them, by litle and litle they seemed nothinge so fearfull to them, as to their enemies.  But the thing that pleased the souldiers more then all the rest, was his justice+ and upright dealinge: whereof they reporte such an example:  Marius had a nephewe of his in his campe called Caius Lusius, who had charge of men in the army.  This Lusius was taken for a marvelous honest man, saving that he had this fowle vice in him, that he would be sodainly in love with fayer young boyes: {homosexuality+} and as at that time he fell in love with a trimme younge striplinge, called Trebonius, that served under him, and having 

<Plut3-370>            CAIUS MARIUS

many times lewdly entised him, and never could obtaine his purpose, at the last sent for him one night by his servaunt.  The young man might not disobay his Captaine being sent for, but presently went unto him.  When he was come into his tent, and that his Captaine did strive with all his force to doe him villany: he drewe out his sworde, and killed him in the place.  And this was done when Marius was out of his campe: who so soone as he returned, caused the marshall to bring the young man before him. Many stepped forth straight to accuse him, but no man to defend him.  Wherefore he boldly began to tell his tale himselfe, and to name many witnesses who had both seene and knowen how his dead Captaine had oftentimes offered him dishonor, and how that he had continually resisted his abhominable motion, & would never yeld him selfe unto him, for any gift or present he could offer him.  Wherefore Marius connnending him greatly, and being very glad of it, caused presently one of those crownes to be brought unto him, which are used to be geven to them that in a day of battel have done some valliant deede, and he him selfe did crowne Trebonius withall, as one that had done a noble acte, and at such a time, as good and honest examples were requisite. {Bardolph+} This judgement of Marius beinge caried to ROME, stoode him to great good purpose towardes the obtaining of his third Consulsbippe: besides also that they looked for the comming backe of these barbarous people about the springe with whome the ROMAINE souldiers would not fight under any other Captaine, then Marius.  Howbeit they came not so soone againe as they looked for them, but Marius passed over also the yeare of his third Consullshippe.  So time comming about againe for the election of newe Consulls, and his companion also being dead: he was driven to goe him selfe unto ROME, leaving the charge of his camp in his absence, unto Manius Aci- 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-371>

lius.  At that time there were many noble men that sued for the Consulshippe: but Lucius Saturninus one of the Tribunes, who had the communalty under his girdell as he would him selfe, more then any of thother Tribunes, and being wonne underhand by Marius made many orations, in the which he perswaded the people to choose Marius Consull the fourth time.  Marius to the contrary, seemed to refuse it, saying that he would none of it, though the people chose him.  Whereupon Saturninus called him traitor, crying out, that his refusall in such a daunger and time of necessity, was an apparant parte to betray the common wealth.  It was found straight that this was a grosse packe betwixt Saturninus and Marius, by such as could see day at a litle hole.  Neverthelesse, the people considering that their presen troubles required Marius skil and good fortune in the warres, they made him Consull the fourth time, and joyned Catulus Ludatius Consul with him, a man that was greatly honored of the nobility, and not misliked also of the common people.  Marius having newes of the approching of the barbarous peopele, passed over the Alpes with great speede, & fortifying his campe by the river of Rhone, he brought great provision of all kindes of vittels thither with him, least being straighted by lacke therof, he should be forced to come to battell at any other time, but even as he would him selfe, and as it should seeme good unto him.  And where before that time the transporting of vittells unto his campe by sea was very long, and daungerous, and a marvelous great charge besides: he made it very shorte and easie by this meanes.  The mouth of the river of Rhone had gathered together so much mudde, and such store of sande, which the waves of the sea had cast on heapes together, that the same was becomen very high and depe: so as the banckes made the entry into it very narrow, hard, and dangerous for great shippes of bur- 

<Plut3-372>            CAIUS MARIUS

den that came from the sea.  Marius considering this matter, set his men a worke while they had nothing to do, and made them digge a large trench and deepe channell, into the which he turned a great parte of the river, and caried it to a convenient place of the coast, where the water fell into the sea by an open gulfe, wherby he made it able to cary the greatest shippes that were: and besides that, it was in a very still quiet place, not being troubled with windes nor waves.  The channell carieth yet his name, and is called Marius Channell or trenche.  These barbarous people devided them selves into two armies to passe into ITALIE, so that it fell out to the one parte which were the CIMBRES, to goe through high GERMANYE, and to force that passage which Catulus kept: and unto the other parte, which were the TEUTONS and AMBRONS, to passe through the contry of the GENOVESIANs by the sea side against Marius.  Now the CIMBRES having the greater compasse to fetch about, stayed lenger, and remained behinde: but the TEUTONs and the AMBRONS going their way first, had in fewe dayes dispatched their jorney they had to go, to bring them to the campe where the ROMAINES lay, unto whom they presented themselves by infinite numbers, with terrible faces to beholden and their cryes and voyces farre contrary unto other mens.  They tooke in a marvelous deale of grounde in length to campe upon, and so came forth to defie Marius, and provoke him to battell in open field. Marius made no reckoning of all their bragging defiances, {Hotspur+} but kept his men together within his campe, taking on terribly with them that would rashely take upon them to move ought to the contrary and which through impacience of choller would nedes go forth to fight, calling them traytors to their contry.  For said he, we are not come to fight for our private glory, neither to winne two triumphes not victories for our selves: but we must seeke 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-373>

by all meanes to divert and put by this great shower of warres from us, and this lightning and tempest, that it overcome not all ITALIE.  These words he spake unto the private Captaines which were under him, as unto men of havior and quality.  But as for the common souldiers, he made them stande upon the trenches of his campe, one after an other to behold the enemies, and to acquaint them selves with sight of their faces, their countenaunce, and marching, and not to be afrayed of their voyces to heare them speake, which were wonderfull, both straunge and beastly: and also that they might know the facion of their weapons, and how they handled them.  And by this order and ordinary viewing of them, in time he made the things that semed fearefull unto his men at the first sight, to be afterwards very familiar: so that they made no more wondring at them.  For he judged, the thing which in deede is true, that a rare and new matter never seene before, for lacke of judgement and understanding, maketh things unknowen to us, more horrible and fearefull then they are: and to the contrary, that custome taketh away a great deale of feare, and terror of those things, which by nature are in deede fearefull.  The which was seene then by experience.  For they being dayly acquainted to looke upon these barbarous people, it did not only diminish some parte of the former feare of the ROMAINE souldiers: but furthermore they whetting their choller with the fierce untollerable threates and bragges+ of these barbarous brutish people, did set their hartes a fire to fight with them, bicause they did not only wast and destroy all the contry about them, but besides that, came to geve assault even unto their campe with such a boldnes, that the ROMAINE souldiers could no lenger suffer them, and they letted not to speake wordes that came to Marias eares him selfe. What cowardlines hath Marius ever knowen in us, that he keepes us thus 

<Plut3-374>            CAIUS MARIUS

from fighting, and under locke and key as it were, in the gard of porters, as if we were women?  Let us therefore shew our selves like men, and go aske him if he looke for any other souldiers besides our selves to defend ITALIE: and if he have determined to employ us as pioners onely, when he would cast a trenche to ridde away the mudde, or to turne a river contrary. For therein hath he onely hitherunto employed us in great labor, and they are the notable workes he hath done in his two Consullshippes, whereof he maketh his boast unto them at ROME.  Is he afrayed they should take him, as they did Carbo & Capio, whom the enemies have overthrowen?  He must not be afrayed of that: for he is a Captaine of an other manner of valor and reputacion then they were, and his army much better then theirs was. But howesoever it be, yet were it much better in proving to loose something, then to be idle, and to suffer our frends and confederats to be destroyed and sacked before our eyes.  Marius was marvelous glad to heare his men complaine thus, and did comfort them, and told them that he did nothing mistrust their corage and valiantnes: howheit that through the counsell of certaine prophecies and oracles of the gods, he did expect time and place fit for victory.  For he ever caried a SYRIAN woman in a litter about with him called Martha, with great reverence, whom they said had the spirit of prophecie in her: and that he did ever sacrifice unto the gods by her order, and at such time as she willed him to do it.  This SYRIAN woman went first to speake with the Senate about these matters, and did foretell and prognosticate what should follow.  But the Senate would not heare her, and made her to be driven away.  Wherupon she went unto the women, and made them see proofe of some things she vaunted of, & specially Marius wife, at whose feete she was set one day in an assembly of the common playes, to see swordplayers fight for 

*CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-375>

life and death: for she told her *certenly which of them should overcome. Whereupon this Lady sent her unto her husband Marius, who made great reckoning of her, and caried her ever in a litter with him whensoever he went.  She was alwaies at Marius sacrifices, apparelled in a gown of purple in graine, clasped to her with claspes, and held a speare in her hand wound all about with nosegayes, and garlands of flowers tyed on with laces.  This maner of jeast made many dout whether Marius shewed this woman openly, beleving in dede that she had the gift of prophecy: or els that knowing the contrary, he made as though he did beleve it, to helpe her fayning.  But that which Alexander the MYNDIAN wrote touching Vultures, is a thing greatly to be wondred at.  For he said there were two of them followed Marius in his warres, and that they ever shewed them selves and missed not, when he should win any great battel, and that they did know them by latin collers they ware about their necks, which the souldiers had tyed about them, and afterwards let them go where they would: by reason wherof, they did know the souldiers againe, and it semed also that they did salute them, and were very glad when they saw them, and perswaded them selves, that it was a signe and token of good lucke to follow.  Many signes and tokens were seene before the battell: howbeit all the rest were ordinary sightes, saving that which was reported to be seene at TUDERTUM, and AMERIA, two cities of ITALIE. For they say there were seene speares and targets in the night, burning like fire in the element, which first were carried up and downe here and there, and then met together even as men move and sturre that fight one with an other: untill at the length, the one geving backe, and the other followings after, they all vanished away, and consumed towardes the West. About the selfe same time also, there came from the citie of PESSINUNTA, Batabaces, 

<Plut3-376>            CAIUS MARIUS

the chiefe priest of the great mother of the goddes, who brought newes, that the goddesse had spoken to him within her sanctuary, and told him that the victory of this warre should fall out on the ROMAINES side.  The Senate beleved it, and ordained that they should build a temple unto that goddesse to geve her thankes for the victorie which she did promise them. Batabaces also would have presented him selfe unto the people in open assemblie, to tell them as much.  But there was one Aulus Pompeius a Tribune that would not suffer him to do it, calling him tombler, or jugler, and violently thrast him behinde the pulpit for orations: but the mischaunce that fell apon Pompeius afterwards, made them the more to beleve Batabaces words. For Pompeius the Tribune no sooner came home unto his house, but a great vehement agew tooke him, wherof he dyed the seventh day after, as all the world could witnes.  Now the TEUTONS perceiving that Marius stirred not at all out of his campe, they proved to assault him: howheit they were so well received with shotte and slinges, that after they had lost certaine of their men, they gave it over, and determined to goe further, pertswading them selves that they might easily passe the Alpes without daunger.  Wherfore trussing up al their baggage, they passed by Marius campe: at which time it appeared more certainly then before, that they were a marvelous great multitude of people, by the length of time which they tooke to passe their way.  For it is sayd they were passing by his campe, sixe dayes continually together.  And as they came raking by the ROMAINES campe, they asked them in mockery, if they would wryte or send home any thing to their wives, for they would be with them ere it were long.  When they were all passed and gone, and that they continued on their jorney still, Marius also raised his campe, and went and followed them fayer and softly foote by foote, and ever kept hard 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-377>

at their taile as neere as he could, alwayes fortifying his campe very well, and ever choosing strong places of scituacion and advantage to lodge in, that they might be safe in the night time.  Thus they marched on in this sorte, untlll they came unto the city of Aix, from whence they had not farre to goe, but they entered straight into the mountaines of the Alpes.  Wherefore Marius prepared nowe to fight with them: and chose out a place that was very strong of scituacion to lodge his campe in, howebeit there lacked water.  And they say he did it of purpose, to the ende to quicken his mens corage the more thereby.  Many repined at it, and tolde him that they should stande in great daunger to abide marvelous thirst if they lodged there.  Whereunto he made aunswere: shewing them the river that ranne hard by the enemies campe, saying withall, that they must go thither and buy drinke with their blood.  The souldiers replyed againe: and why then doe ye not lead us thither, whileft our blood is yet moyfte? he gently aunswered them againe: bicause the first thing we doe, we must fortifie our campe. The souldiers, though they were angry with him, yet they obeyed him: but the slaves having neither drinke for them selves, nor for their cattell, gathered together a great troupe of them, and went towardes the river: some of them carying axes, other hatchets, other swords and speares, with their pottes to cary water, determining to fight with the barbarous people, if otherwise they could not come by it.  A fewe of the barbarous people at the first fought with them, bicause the most parte of their company were at dinner, after they had bathed, & others were still in the bathe washinge them selves, finding in that place many springes of hotte naturall bathes.  Thus the ROMAINES founde many of the barbarous people makinge mery, and taking their pleasure about these bathes, for the great delite they tooke to consider the 

<Plut3-378>            CAIUS MARIUS

pleasauntnes of the place: but when they heard the noyse of them that fought, they beganne to runne one after an other unto the place from whence the noyse came.  Where fore it was a hard thing for Marius any lenger to keepe the ROMAINE souldiers in from going to their helpe, for that they feared their slaves should have bene slaine of the barbarous people: and moreover, bicause the valliantest souldiers of their enemies called the AMBRONS (who before had overcome Manlius and Capio, two ROMAINE Captaines with their armies, and that made of them selves thirty thowsande fighting men) ranne to armes, being very heavy of their bodies, as having filled their bellies well, but otherwise valliant and coragious fellowes, and more lively then they were wont to be, by reason of the wine they had dronke. They ran not furiously to fight out of order, neither did they crie out confusedly, but marching all together in good array, making a noyse with their harnes all after one sorte, they oft rehearsed their owne name AMBRONS, AMBRONS, AMBRONS: which was, either to call one an other of them, or else to feare the ROMAINES with their name only.  The ITALIANS also on thother side, being the first that came downe to fight with them were the LIGURIANS, dwelling upon the coast of Genuoa, who hearing this noyse and crye of theirs, plainely understanding them: aunswered them againe with the like noyse and crye, LIGURIANS,LIGURIANS,LIGURIANS, saying that it was the true surname of all their nation.  And so before they joyned together, this crye was redoubled many a time on either side: and the Captaines of both partes made their souldiers crye out all together, contendinge for envy one against an other, who should crye it out lowdest.  This contention of crying, inflamed the souldiers corages the more.  Now the AMBRONS having the river to passe, were by this meanes put out of order, and before they 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-379>

could put them selves in battell ray againe, after they had passed the river, the LIGURIANS ranne with great fury to set apon the formest: and after them, (to aide the LIGURIANS that had begon the charge) the ROMAINES them selves fell also apon the AMBRONS, comming downe from the places of advantage upon these barbarous people, and compelled them by this meanes to turne their backes, and flie.  So the greatest slaughter they made, fortuned uppon the bancke of the river, whereinto they thrust one an other in such sorte, that all the river ran blood, being filled with dead bodies.  And they that could get over the river againe, and were on thother side, durst not gather together any more to stand to defence: so as the ROMAINES slew them, and drave them into their campe, even unto their cariage.  Then their women came out against them with swordes and axes in their handes, grinding their teeth: and crying out for sorrow & anger, they charged as well upon their owne people that fled, as upon them that chased them: the one as traitors, and the other as enemies.  Furthermore, they thrust them selves amongest them that fought, and strove by force to plucke the ROMAINES targets out of their handes, & tooke holde of their naked swordes bare handed, abiding with an invincible corage to be hacked and mangled with their swordes. And thus was the first battell geven (as they say) by the rivers side, rather by chaunce unlooked for, then by any set purpose, or through the generals counsel.  Now the ROMAINES, after they had overcome the most parte of the AMBRONS, retyring backe by reason the night had overtaken them, did not (as they were wont after they had geven such an overthrow) sing songes of victory and triumphe, nor make good chere in their tentes one with an other, and least of all sleepe: (which is the best and sweetest refreshing for men that have fought happely) but contrarily, they watched all that night with 

<Plut3-380>            CAIUS MARIUS

great feare and trouble, bicause their campe was not trenched and fortified, and bicause they knewe also that there remained almost innumerable thowsandes of barbarous people, that had not yet fought: besides also, that the AMBRONS that had fled and scaped from the overthrow, did howle out all night with lowd cries, which were nothing like mens lamentations and sighes, but rather like wilde beastes bellowing and roaringe.  So that the bellowing of such a great multitude of beastly people, mingled together with threates and waylinges, made the mountames thereabouts and the running river to rebounde againe of the sounde and ecco of their cries marvelously: by reason whereof, all the valley that lay betwene both, thundered to heare the horrible & fearefull trembling.  This made the ROMAINE souldiers afeard, & Marius him selfe in some doubt: bicause they looked to have bene fought withall the same night, being altogether troubled and out of order.  Notwithstanding, the barbarous people did not assault them that night, nor the next day following, but only prepared them selves unto battell.  And in the meane time Marius knowing that there was above the place where they were camped, certaine caves and litle valleyes covered with wodde: he secretly sent Claudius Marcellus thither with three thowsand footemen well armed, and commaunded him to keepe close in ambushe, untill he saw that the barbarous people were fighting with him, and that then he should come and set apon their rereward.  The residue of his armie, they supped when time came, and after supper reposed them selves.  The next morning at the breake of day, Marius brought his men into the fielde out of his forte: where he put them in order of battell, sending his horsemen before to draw the enemies out to skirmishe.  The TEUTONS seeing them come, had not the pacience to tary till the ROMAINES were come downe into the plaine 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-381>

fielde to fight without advantage, but arming them selves in hast, and in a rage, ranne up the hill to the ROMAINES, where they stoode in battell ray.  Marius taking good regard to that they did, sent here and there unto the private Captaines, charging them they should not stirre, and onely to temporise and forbeare, untill the enemies came within a stones cast of them: and that they should then throw their dartes at them, and afterwardes drawe their swordes, and repulse the barbarous people with their shieldes. For he did foresee before, that when they should clime up against the hill (uppon the hanging whereof the ROMAINES had set their battell) that their blowes would not be of great force, nor their order and ranckes could stand close together to any effect or purpose: bicause they could not have sure footing, nor march assuredly, but would easily be throwen backeward if they were never so litle repulsed, by reason of the hanging of the hill. Marius gave this order unto his folke and therewithall was him selfe the first man that put it in execution: for he was as trymme a warriour, and as valliant a souldier, as any man in all his army: besides, not one amongest them all would venter furder, and be more bolde then him selfe.  So when the ROMAINEs had resisted them, & stayed them sodainely, going with fury to have wonne the hill, perceiving them selves to be repulsed, they gave backe by litle and litle, untill they came into the field: and then beganne the formest of them to gather together, & to put them selves in battell ray uppon the plaine, when sodainly they heard the noyse and charging of them that were in the tayle of their army.  For Claudius Marcellus failed not to take the occasion when it was offered him, bicause that the noyse of the first charge comming up against the hills thereabouts, under the which he lay in ambushes gave him advertisement thereof: whereupon he caused his men presently to shew, and running with 

<Plut3-382>            CAIUS MARIUS

great cryes, came to geve a charge upon those which were in the tayle of the barbarous people, putting the hindemost to the sworde.  They made their fellowes whose backes were next unto them, to turne their faces, and so from man to man, all at the length, in shorte time all their battell beganne to waver in disorder: and they made no great resistaunce, when they saw they were so charged before and behinde, but beganne straight to flie for life.  The ROMAINES followingthem hard at the heeles, killed and tooke prisoners above a hundred thowsande of them, and tooke moreover their cartes, their tentes and all their cariage.  Which the whole army by consent agreed to present unto Marius, excepting nothing, saving that which was imbeaceled and conveyed away under hande.  Now, though this was a marvelous honorable and right noble present yet they thought it not a recompence sufficient for that he had deserved, for the valure he had shewed of a famous Captaine in leading of his army, and for the good order he kept in this warre: so happy thought they them selves to have escaped so great a daunger.  Notwithstanding, some wryters doe not agree, that the spoyle of the barbarous people was geven unto Marius nor that there were also so great a number of men slaine as we have spoken of.  But they say, that after this battell the MARSSILIANs did inclose their vines, with hedges made of dead mens bones: and that the bodies being rotten and consumed upon the fieldes through the great raine that fell upon them the winter following, the ground waxed so fatte, and did soke the grease so deepe in the same, that the sommer following they did beare an uncredible quantity of all sortes of frutes.  And by this meanes were Archilocus wordes proved true, that the errable land doth waxe fat with such rottennesse or putrification. And it is sayd also, that of ordinary after great battells, there falleth great 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-383>

store of raine.  Either it is by meane of some god that powring downe pure raine water doth purifie, wash, and clense the grounde, defiled & polluted with mans blood: or else it happeneth by naturall cause.  For that the over throw of so many dead bodies, and of the blood spilt, engendreth a moyst, grosse, and heavy vapoure, which doth thicken the ayer (that by nature is chaungeable, and easie to alter) from a very small or litle beginning unto an exceeding great chaunge.  After this battell, Marius caused the harnesse and spoyles of the barbarous people to be layed aside, that were left whole and fayer to sight, to beautifie and enrich the pompe of his triumphe.  Then he caused the rest to be gathered together on a great heape, and layed apon a stake of wodde, to make a noble sacrifice unto the gods, all his army being armed about him, crowned with garlandes of triumphe, & him selfe apparelled in a long gowne of purple, according to the custome of the ROMAINES in such a case, and holding a torch burning in both his hands, which he first lifted up unto heaven.  And as he was turning downe the torche to put fire to the stake of wood, they saw some of his frends a good way of a horse backe, comming post unto him: then sodainly there was a great silence made of all the assembly, every man desirous to heare what good newes they had brought.  When they were come and lighted of their horses, they ranne straight to embrace Marius, and brought him newes that he was chosen Consull the fift time: and presented him the letters sent him from ROME confirming the same.  And thus, this new joy falling out besides the victory, the private souldiers did shewe the great joy and pleasure they tooke in both, with great showtes and beating upon their harnesse: and the Captaines also, they crowned Marius againe with new garlandes of laurel which they put about his head, and that done, he put fire under the stake of wodde, and ended 

<Plut3-384>            CAIUS MARIUS

his sacrifice.  But that which never suffereth men quietly to enjoy the good happe of any victory clearely, but in this mortall life doth ever mingle the ill with the good, be it either fortune or spight of fatall destenie, or else the necessitie of the naturall causes of earthly thinges: did shortely after this great joy bring newes unto Marius, of his companion Catulus Luctatius the other Consull, who was like a cloude in a fayer bright day, and brought the city of ROME againe into a new feare and trouble. For Catulus that went against the CIMBRES, thought it was not for him to keepe the straightes of the mountaines, in hope to let the barbarous people for passing: bicause that in so doing, he had bene compelled to devide his army into many partes, and had weakened him selfe very much if he had taken that course.  Wherefore comming a litle on this side the Alpes towardes ITALIE, he planted him selfe uppon the river of Athesis, and built a bridge apon it, to passe and repasse over his men when he would, and sette up at either ende of the bridge two strong fortes well fortified, that he might more commodiously helpe the places on the other side of the river, if the barbarous people by chaunce would offer to force them, after they had gotten out of the straights of the mountaines.  Now, these barbarous people had such a glory in them selves, and disdained their enemies so much, that more to shew their force and boldnes, then of any necessity that compelled them, or for any benefit they got by it: they suffred it to snow apon them being starke naked, and did clime up to the toppe of the mountaines, throw great heapes of ise and snow.  And when they were at the very toppe of all, they layed their long broad targets under their bodies, and lay an along apon them, sliding downe the steepe high rockes, that had certaine hanginges over of an infinite height.  In the ende, they came to campe neere unto the ROMAINEs by the 

*CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-385>

river side, and considered howe they might passe it over: and beganne to fill it up, tearing downe (like gyants) great hilles of earth which they founde thereabouts, brought thither great trees which they pulled up whole by the rootes, threw in great peeces of rockes which they brake, and whole towers of earth after them, to stoppe and breake the course of the river.  But besides all this, they threw great tymber into the river, which being caried downe the streame, came with such a force, and hit againft the poftes of the bridge so violently, that they shaked the ROMAINES bridge marvelously.  Whereuppon many of the souldiers of the great campe were afrayed, and forsaking it, beganne to retyre.  But then did Catulus, like a perfit good Captaine showe, that he made lesse accompt of his owne private honor and estimacion, then he did of the generall honor of all his souldiers. For, seeing that he cold not perswade his men by any reason to tary, and that in this feare they dislodged in disorder against his will: he him selfe commaunded the standerd bearer of the Eagle to marche on, and ranne to the foremost that went their way, and marched him selfe before them all, to the intent that the shame of this retyre should altogether light upon him, and not apon his contry, and that it might appeare the ROMAINEs did follow their Captaine, and not flie away.  The barbarous people therefore assaulting the forte at the end of the bridge of the river of Athesis, tooke it, and all the men that were in it.  And bicause the ROMAINES defended it like valliant men, and had lustely ventured their lives to the death for defence of their contry: the barbarous people let them go upon composition, which they sware to kepe faithfully, by their bull of copper.  This bull afterwards was taken when they lost the battell and caried (as they say) into Catulus Luctatius house, as the chiefest thing of the victory.  Furthermore, the barbarous people finding the con 

<Plut3-386>            CAIUS MARIUS

try open without any defence, scattered here and there, and destroyed all where they came.  Whereuppon the ROMAINES sent for Marius to ROME to goe against them: and after he was arrived, every man thought he shoulde have entred in triumphe, bicause also the Senate did graunt it him very willingly.  But he would not doe it, either bicause he would not deprive his souldiers and the Captaines that had fought under him, of any parte of the honor that was due unto them, they being absent: or bicause that he would warrant the people from the present daunger they were in, by layinge aside the glory of his former victories, into the handes of the good fortune of ROME, in certaine hope to take it againe afterwardes, by a more honorable and perfit confirmation of the second.  Wherefore, after he had made an oration to the people, and Senate according to the time, he went his way immediatly towardes Catulus Luctatius, whose comming did comforte him much: and sent also for his army that was yet in GAULE beyond the mountaines. And after his army was come, he passed the river of Po, to kepe the barbarous people from hurting ITALIE on this side the Po.  Now, the CIMBRES still deferred to geve battell bicause they looked for the TEUTONS, and sayd: that they marveled much what they ment to tary so long: either bicause they knewe not in deede of their overthrowe, or else for that they would not seeme to knowe it, bicause they handeled them cruelly that brought the newes of their deathes.  At the length, they sent unto Marius to aske him landes and townes sufficient, to kepe them and their brethren.  Marius asked their Ambassadors what brethren they ment.  They aunswered, that they were the TEUTONS.  Whereat the standers by beganne to laugh: and Marius finely mocked them, saying.  Care not for those brethren sayd he, for we have geven them ground enough, which they will kepe for ever.  These Ambassa- 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-387>

dors found his mock straight, and beganne to revile and threaten him, that the CIMBRES shoulde presently make him repent it, and the TEUTONS so soone as they arrived.  Why, sayd Marius unto them againe, they are come already: and there were no honesty in you, if you could goe your way and not salute them, since they are your brethren.  And as he spake these wordes, he commaunded his men to bring him the kinges of the TEUTONS bounde and chained, that had bene taken within the mountaines of the Alpes by the SEQUANI.  The CIMBRES underftanding this by reporte of their Ambassadors, presently marched towardes Marius, who stirred not at all, but only fortified and kept his campe.  They say that it was forthis barren that Marius first invented the newe devise he brought in for the darte which the ROMAINES were wont alwayes to throwe against the enemies at the first charge.  For before, the staffe of the darte was fastned unto the iron, and the iron unto the staffe, with two litle iron pinnes that passed through the wodde: and then Marius left one of the iron pinnes as it was before, and taking away the other, put a litle thinne pinne of wodde, easie to be broken, in place of the same, making it craftely, to the end that when the darte was throwen, and stucke in the enemies target, it should not stand right forward, but bow downewards towardes the iron, that the wodden pinne being broken, the staffe of the darte should hang downewardes, holding yet by the iron pinne running quite through at the poynte.  So Baeorix king of the CIMBRES, comming neere to Marius campe with a small number of horsemen, sent him defyaunce, and willed him to appoint a day and place for battell, that they might trye it out, who should be owners of the contry.  Whereunto Marius made aunswer, that it was not the manner of the ROMAINES to counsell with their enemies, of the time and place when they should geve battell: but never- 

<Plut3-388>            CAIUS MARIUS

thelesse, he would not sticke to pleasure the CIMBRES so much.  And thus they agreed betwene them, that it should be the thirde day following, in the plaine of Verselles, which was very commodious for the horsemen of the ROMAINES: and also for the barbarous people to put out at will their great number of fighting men.  So both armies failed not to meete according to appointment, but appeared ranged in battell, the one before the other. Catulu,s Luctatius the other Consull, had in his campe twenty thowsand, and three hundred souldiers: & Marius had in his campe two and thowsand fighting men, which he placed in the two winges of the battell, shutting in Catulus with his men in the middest.  As Sylla writeth it, who was present at the same: saying, that Marius did it of malice, for the hope he had to overthrowe his enemies with the two winges of the battell, to the end that the whole victory should light apon his two winges, & that Catulus & his men in the middest should have no parte therof.  For he could not so much as fronte the enemy, bicause that commonly when the fronte of a battell is of such a bredthe, the two winges are ever stretched out before, and is made like the cressant of a moone, where the middest is thickest and fardest in.  And it is wrytten also in other stories, that Catulus him selfe accusing the malice of Marius, bicause he did so: spake it to excuse his owne dishonor.  As for the CIMBRES, the troupes of their footemen commmg out of their fortes leasurely, did put them selves into a squadron, as broade as long, for in every side they occupied almost thirty furlong: but their horsemen which were fifteene thowsande, marched before in sumptuous furniture.  For they had helmets on their heades facioned like wilde beastes neckes,. and straunge bevers or busses to the same, and ware on their helmets great high plumes of feathers, as they had bene winges: which to sight made them appeare taller 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-389>

and bigger men then they were.  Furthermore, they had good curases on their backes, and caried great white targets before them: and for weapons offensive, every man had two dartes in his hand to bestow a farre of, and when they came to hand strokes, they had great heavy swords which they fought withall neere hand.  But at that time they did not marche directly in rancke against the army of the ROMAINES, but turned a litle on the right hand, meaning to inclose the ROMAINES betwene them & their footemen that were on the left hand.  The ROMAINE Captaines founde their policy straight, but they coulde not keepe their souldiers backe: for there was one that cried, the enemies fled, and immediatly all the rest beganne to runne after. In the meane time, the footemen of the barbarous people that were like to a sea before them, came forwards still: & then Marius having washed his handes, and lifting them up to heaven, promised, and vowed a solenme sacrifice unto the goddes of a hundred oxen.  Catulus also made a vow, lifting up his handes to heaven in like maner, that he would build a temple unto fortune+ for that day: and it is reported, that Marius having sacrificed, when they shewed him the intralls of the beastes sacrificed: he cried out a lowde, the victory is mine.  But when they came to geve the charge, Marius had a great misfortune happened him, powred apon him by goddes justice, who turned his craft against him selfe, as Sylla wryteth: for there rose very credibly so great a dust, that both armies lost the sight one of an other.  And hereupon Marius being the first that ranne to beginne the charge, and having placed his men about him, missed to meete with his enemies: and being passed beyonde their battell, wandred a great while up and downe the field, whilest the barbarous people fought against Catulus.  So that the greatest fury of the battel was against Catulus and his army: in the which, Sylla wryteth he was him selfe, and 

<Plut3-390>            CAIUS MARIUS

sayeth, that the heate and the sunne which was full in the CIMBRES faces, did the ROMAINES marvelous pleasure at that time.  For the barbarous people being very hard brought up to away with cold (bicause they were borne and bred in a cold contry, shadowed altogether with woddes and trees as we have sayd) were to the contrary very tender against the heate, and did melt with sweating agamst the sunne, and gaped straight for breathe, putting their targets befor their faces: for it was also in the hart of sommer, about the seven and twentie day of the moneth of Julie, that this battell was geven, and this dust also made the ROMAINES the bolder, and kept them that they could not see the innumerable multitude of their enemies farre from them.  And every man runninge to set apon them that came against them, they were joyned together in fight, before that the sight of their enemies could make them afrayed.  And furthermore, they were so good souldiers, and so able to take paines, that how extreame soever the heate was, no man was sene sweate nor blow, though they ranne at the first to set apon them: and this hath Catulus Luctatius him selfe left in wryting unto the praise of his souldiers.  So were the most part of the barbarous people, and specially of the best souldiers slaine in the field.  And bicause they should not open nor breake their rancks, the foremest rancks were all tyed and bound together with girdells, leather thongs, and long chaynes of iron: and they that fled, were chased and followed into their campe by the ROMAINES, where they met with horrible & fearefull thinges to beholde.  For, their wives being apon the toppe of their cartes, apparelled all in blacke, slue all those that fled, without regarde of persones: some their fathers, other their husbandes or their brethren, and strangling the litle young babes with their owne handes, they cast them under the carte wheeles, and betwene the horse legges, and 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-391>

afterwards slue them selves.  And they say, that there was a woman hanged at the ende of a carte ladder, having hanged up two of her children by the neckes at her heeles.  And that the men also, for lacke of a tree to hang the selves on, tyed slipping halters about their neckes, unto the hornes and feete of the oxen, and that they did pricke them afterwardes with goades to make them fling and leape so long, that dragging them about, and treading them under feete, at the length they killed them.  Now, though numbers were slaine by this meanes, yet were there three score thowsand of them taken prisoners, and the number of them that were slaine, came to twise as many moe.  In this manner Marius souldiers spoyled the campe of the CIMBRES: but the spoyles of dead men that were slaine in the fielde, with their ensignes and trompets, were all brought (as it is sayd) unto Catulus campe, and which was a plaine testimonie to shewe that Catulus and his souldiers had wonne the field.  Strife rising thus betwene the souldiers of both campes about it, that the matter might be tryed frendly betwene them: they made the Ambassadors of PARMA their arbitrators, who were by chaunce at that time in the army.  Catulus Luctatius souldiers led the Ambassadors to the place where the overthrowe was geven, shewing them the enemies bodies pearsed through with their pykes, which were easie to be knowen, bicause Catulus had made them grave his name apon their pykes.  For all this, Marius went away with the honor of this great victory, as well for the first battell he wanne alone, when he overthrewe the TEUTONS and the AMBRONS: as for his great calling, having bene Consul five times.  And furthermore, the common people at ROME, called him the third founder of the city of ROME, thinking them selves now delivered from as great a daunger, as before time they had bene from the auncient GAULES.  And every man feasting at home with

<Plut3-392>            CAIUS MARIUS

his wife & children, offered the best dishes of meate they had to supper, unto the goddes, and unto Marius: and would needes have him alone to triumphe for both victories.  But he would not in any case, but triumphed into the city with Catulus Luctatius, meaning to shew himselfe curteous and moderate in so great prosperity: and peradventure also fearing Catulus souldiers, who were in readinesse and prepared (if Marius would have deprived their Captaine of that honor) to let him also of his triumphe.  And thus you see howe he passed his fift Consulshippe.  After that, he made more earnest sute for the sixt Consulshippe, then ever any other did for his first: seeking the peoples goodwilles by all the fayer meanes he could to please them, humbling him selfe unto them, not only more then became his estate and calling, but directly also against his owne nature, counterfeating a curteous populer manner, being cleane contrarie to his disposition.  His ambition made him timerous to deale in matters of the state concerning the city.  For that corage and boldenesse which he had in battell against the enemy, he lost it quite when he was in an assebly of people in the city: and was easily put out of his byase, with the first blame or praise he heard geven him.  And though they reporte, that on a time when he made a thowsande CAMERINES free of the city of ROME, bicause they had done valliant service in the warres, that there were some that did accuse him, saying, that it was a thing done against all law: he aunswered them, that for the noyse of the armor, he could not heare the law.  Notwithstanding, it seemeth that in dede he was greatly afeard of the fury of the people in an assembly of the city.  For in time of warres, he ever stoode apon his reputacion & authority, knowing that they had neede of him: but in peace and civill government, bicause he would rather be the chiefest man then the honestest man, he would creepe into the 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-393>

peoples bosomes to get their favor and goodwil. {Coriolanus+} And thus through his evill behavior, he brought all the nobility generally to be his enemies.  But he feared nor mistrusted none so much, as he did Metellus, for the great unthankefull parte he remembred he had played him: and the rather also, bicause he knew him to be a just and true dealing man, and one that was ever against these people pleasers and flatterers.  Marius therefore practised all the wayes he could, to get Metellus to be banished ROME.  Wherfore, to compasse his intent, he fell in frendship with Glaucia, and one Saturninus, two of the most boldest, most desperate, and most harebraind young men, that were in all ROME: who had all the rablement of rogues and beggers, and such tumultuous people at their commaundement, by whose meanes he made new populer lawes, and caused the souldiers to be called home out of the warres, and mingled them with the people of the city in common assemblies, to trouble and vexe Metellus.  Moreover Rutilius, an honest and true writer (howheit an enemy unto Marius) wryteth, that he obtained his sixt Consulshippe by corruption of money, which he caused to be distributed amongest the tribes of the people: and that he bought it for ready money to put by Metellus, and to have Valerius Flaccus not for his fellowe and companion in the Consulshippe, but rather for a minister of his will.  There was never ROMAINE to whome the people graunted the Consulshippe six times, except it were unto Valerius Corvinus only.  But for him, they say that there was five and forty yeares betwene his first Consulship and the last.  Where Marius since the first yeare of his Consulshippe, continued five yeares together by good fortune one after an other.  But in his last Consulship, he wanne him selfe great hate and malice, bicause he did many fowle faultes to please Saturninus withall: as amongest others, when he bare with Saturninus, who murdered 

<Plut3-394>            CAIUS MARIUS

Nonius his competitor in the Tribuneship. {justice+} Afterwardes when Saturninus was chosen Tribune of the people, he preferred a law for distribution of the landes among the common people, and unto that law he had specially added one article: that all the Lords of the Senate should come openly to sweare, that they should kepe & observe from pointe to pointe that which the people by their voyces should decree, and should not deny it in any jotte.  But Marius in open Senate, made as though he would withstand this article, saying, that neither he nor any other wise man of judgement would take this othe: for said he, if the law be evill, then they should doe the Senate open wrong to compell them by force to graunt it, and not of their owne goodwills.  But he spake not that, meaning to do as he said: for it was but a bayte he had layed for Metellus only, which he could hardly escape.  For, imagining that to tell a fine lye, was a peece of vertue, and of a good wit: he was throughly resolved with him selfe, not to passe for any thing he had spoken in the Senate.  And to the contrary also, knowinge well enough that Metellus was a grave wise man, who esteemed that to be just+ and true (as Pindarus sayd) is the beginning and foundacion of great vertue: he thought he would outreach him, making him affirme before the Senate that he would not sweare, knowinge also that the people would hate him deadly, if he would refuse afterwardes to sweare.  And so in dede it happened.  For Metellus having assured them then that he would not sweare, the Senate brake up uppon it.  And shortly after, Saturninus the Tribune calling the Senators unto the pulpit for orations, to compell them to sweare before the people:  Marius went thither to offer him selfe to sweare.  Whereupon the people making silence, listned attentively to heare what he would say. But Marius not regarding his large promise and bragges made before the Senate, sayed 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-395>

then, his necke was not so long, that he would prejudice the common wealth in a matter of so great importance: but that he would sweare, and obey the lawe, if it were a law.  This shifting subtilty he added to it, to cloke and cover his shame: and when he had sayd so, he tooke his othe. The people seeing him sweare, were marvelous glad, and praised him with clapping of their hands: but the nobility hanging downe their heads were ashamed of him, and were marvelous angry in their hartes with him, that he had so cowardly and shamefully gone from his word.  Therupon all the Senate tooke their othes, one after an other against their wills, bicause they were afrayed of the people.  Saving Metellus, whome, neither parentes not frendes perswasion and intreaty could once move to sweare, for any punishment that Saturninus had imposed upon them, which refused to take the othe, but continued one man still according to his nature, and would never yelde unto it, offering to abide any payne, rather then to be brought to consent to a dishonest matter unbeseming his estate.  And thereuppon went out of the assembler and talking with them that did accompany him, told them, that to do evill, it was too easie a thing: and to doe good without daunger, it was also a common matter: but to do well with daunger, that was the parte of an honest and vertuous man. {constancy+} Saturninus then commaunded the Consulls by edict of the people, that they should banishe Metellus by sounde of trompet, with speciall commaundement, that no man should let him have fire nor water, nor lodge him privately nor openly. The common people, they were ready to have fallen upon him, and to have killed him: but the noble men being offended for the injury they had offred him, gathered together about him to save him, if any would offer him violence. Metellus him selfe was so good a man, that he would not any civill dissention should rise for his sake: and there- 

<Plut3-396>            CAIUS MARIUS

fore he absented him selfe from ROME, wherein he did like a wise man. For sayd he, either things will amend, and the people then repenting them selves of the wrong they have done me, will call me home againe: or else things standing as they do now, it shalbe best for me to be furthest of. But for his travail in his exile, howe much he was beloved & honored, and how sweetely he passed his time studying philosophie in the citie of RHODES, shalbe declared more at large in his life.  Now on the other side, Marius to recompence the pleasure Saturninus had done him, being driven to let him have his will in all things: did not foresee what an intolerable plague he brought unto the common wealth, giving the brydle to a desperate man, who every way, by force, by sword and murder, plainly sought to usurpe tyranicall power, with the utter destruction and subvertion of the whole common weale.  And so bearing reverence of the one side unto the nobility, and desiring on the other side to gratifie the common people: he played a shamefull parte, and shewed him selfe a double dealing man.  For one night the nobilitie and chiefest citizens comming to his house, to perswade him to brydle Saturninus insolencie & holdnes: at the selfe same time also Saturninus going thither to speake with him, he caused him to be let in at a backe dore, the noble men not being privy to his comming.  And so Marius telling the nobility, and then Saturninus, that he was troubled with a losenes of his body, under this pretence whipped up and downe, now to the one, then to the other, and did nothing else but set them further out one against an other, then they were before.  Nevertheles, the Senate being marvelous angry with his naughty double_dealing+, & the order of knightes taking parte with the Senate, Marius in the ende was compelled to arme the people in the market place, to suppresse them that were up, and drave them into the Capitoll 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-397>

where for lacke of water, they were compelled to yelde them selves at the length, bicause he had cut of the pypes and conduits by the which the water ran unto the Capitoll.  By reason whereof, they being unable to continue any lenger, called Marius unto them, and yeelded them selves to him, under the assurance of the faith of the common people.  But although Marius did what he could possible to his uttermost power to save them, he could not prevaile, nor doe them pleasure: for they were no sooner come downe into the market place, but they were all put to death.  Whereupon he having now purchased him selfe the ill will of the people and nobility both, when time came about that new Censors shoulde be chosen, every man looked that he would have bene one of the suters: howheit he sued not for it, for feare of repulse, but suffered others to be chosen of farre lesse dignity and calling then him selfe.  Wherein notwithstanding he gloried, saying that he would not sue to be Censor, bicause he would not have the ill will of many, for examining too straightly their lives and manners.  Againe, a decree being preferred to repeale Metellus banishment, Marius did what he could possible by word and deede to hinder it: howbeit, seeing in the end he could not have his will, he let it alone.  The people having thus willingly revoked Metellus banishment Marius hart would not serve him to see Metellus returne againe, for the malice he bare him: wherfore, he tooke the seas to goe into CAPPADOCIA and GALATIA, under colour to pay certaine sacrifices to the mother of the goddes, which he had vowed unto her.  But this was not the very cause that made him to undertake this jorney, for he had an other secret meaning in it.  For his nature not being framed to live in peace, and to goveme civill matters, and having attained to his greatnes by armes, and supposing that his glorie and authority consumed and decreased altogether living idle- 

<Plut3-398>            CAIUS MARIUS

ly in peace: he sought to devise new occasion of warres, hoping if he could stirre up the kinges of ASIA, and specially Mithridates (who without his procurement was feared much, that one day he would make warres against the ROMAINES) that he should then undoutedly without let of any man be chosen Generall to make warres with him, and withall also, that by that meanes he should have occasion to fill the cite of ROME with newe triumphes, and his house with the spoyles of the great kingdome of PONTE, and with the riches of the king.  Now Mithridates disposing him selfe to entertaine Marius, with all the honor and curtesies he could possibly shew him:  Marius in the ende notwithstanding would not once geve him a good looke, nor a curteous word againe, but churlishly sayd unto Mithridates at his departure from him.  Thou must determine one of these two, king Mithridates: either to make thy selfe stronger then the ROMAINES, or else to looke to doe what they commaund thee, without resistaunce.  These wordes amazed Mithridates, who had heard say before that the ROMAINES would speake their mindes freely: howbeit he never saw nor proved it before, untill that time.  After Marius was returned unto ROME, he built a house neere unto the market place, bicause he would not (as he said himself) that such as came unto him should trouble them selves in going farre to bring him home to his house: or else for that he thought this would be an occasion that diverse would come to salute him, as they did other Senators.  Howbeit that was not the cause in deede, but the onely cause was, for that he had no naturall grace nor civility to entertaine men curteously that came unto him, and that he lacked behavior besides to rule in a common wealth: and therefore in time of peace they made no more reckoning of him, then they did of an old rusty harnesse or implement that was good for nothing, but for the 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-399>

warres only.  And for all other that professed armes as him selfe did, no man grieved him so much to be called forward to office and state before him selfe, as Sylla did.  For he was ready to burst for spite, to see that the noble men did all what they could to preferre Sylla, for the malice and ill will they bare him: and that Syllaes first risinge and preferrement grew, by the quarrells and contentions he had with him.  And specially when Bocchus king of NUMIDIA was proclaimed by the Senate, a frende and confederate of the ROMAINE people: he offred up statues of victories, carying tokens of triumphe, into the temple of the Capitoll: and placed neere unto them also, an image of gold of king Jugurthe, which he delivered by his owne handes unto Sylla.  And this made Marius starke madde for spite and jelousie, and could not abide that an other should take upon him the glory of his doinges: insomuch as he determined to plucke those images downe, and to cary them away by force. {Hotspur+} Sylla on the other side stomaked Marius, and would not suffer him to take them out of the place where they were: so that this civill sedition had taken present effect, had not the warres of their confederates fallen out betwene, and refrained them for a time. For the best souldiers and most warlike people of all ITALIE, and of greatest power, they all together rose against the ROMAINES, and had well neere overthrowen their whole Empire.  For they were not onely of great force, and power, and well armed: but their Captaines also, for valliantnes and skill, did in maner equall the worthines of the ROMAINES.  For this warre fell out wonderfully, by reason of the calamity and misfortune that happened in it: but it wanne Sylla as much fame and reputacion, as it did Marius shame and dishonor.  For he shewed him selfe very colde and slow in all his enterprises, still delayinge time, either bicause age had mortified his active heate, and killed that quicke ready dispos- 

<Plut3-400>            CAIUS MARIUS

ition of body that was wont to be in him, being then above three score and five yeare olde: or else as he sayd him selfe, bicause he was waxen gowty, and had ache in his vaines and sinewes, that he could not well stirre his body, and that for shame, bicause he would not tary behinde in this warre, he did more then his yeares could away with.  Notwithstanding, as he was, yet he wanne a great battell, wherein were slaine six thowsande of their enemies: and so long as the warres endured, he never gave them advantage of him, but paciently suffred them sometime to intrenche him, and to mocke him, and geve him vile words, chalenging him out to fight, and yet all this would not provoke him.  It is sayd also, that Pompedius Silo, who was the chiefest Captaine of reputacion and authority the enemies had, said unto Marius on a time: if thou be Marius, so great a Captaine as they say thou art, leave thy campe, and come out to battel.  Nay, said Marius to him againe: if thou be a great Captaine, plucke me out by the eares, and compell me to come to battell.  An other time when the enemies gave them occasion to geve a great charge upon them with advantage: the ROMAINES were fainte harted, and durst not set upon them.  Wherefore, after both the one and the other were retyred, Marius caused his men to assemble, and spake unto them in this sorte.  I can not tell which of the two I should recken most cowardes: you your selves, or your enemies: for they durst not once see your backes, nor you them in the faces.  In the end notwithstanding, he was compelled to resigne his charge, being able to serve no lenger for the weakenesse and debilitie of his body.  Now, all the rebels of ITALIE being put downe, many at ROME, (by the orators meanes) did sue to have the charge of the warres against Mithridates and among them, a tribune of the people called Sulpitius, (a very bold and rash man) beyond all mens hope and 

CAIUS MARIUS &lhr>CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-401>

opinion preferred Marius, and perswaded them to geve him the charge of these warres, with title and authority of vice Consull.  The people thereupon were devided in two partes: for the one side stoode for Marius, and thother would have Sylia take the charge, saying, that Marius was to thinke nowe uppon the hotte bathes at Baies, to looke to cure his olde bodie, brought lowe with rewme and age, as him selfe sayd.  For Marius had a goodly stately house in those partes neere unto the mount of Misene, which was farre more fine and curiously furnished, then became a Captaine that had bene in so many foughten battells and daungers.  They say that Cornelia afterwardes bought that house for the summe of seven thowsande five hundred crownes, and shortly after also, Lucullus bought it againe for two hundred and fifty thowsand crownes: to so great excesse was vanitie and curiositie growen in very shorte time at ROME.  Notwithstanding all this, Marius too ambitiously striving like a passioned young man against the weakenes and debility of his age, never missed day but he would be in the field of Mars to exercise him selfe among the young men, shewing his body disposed and ready to handle all kinde of weapons, and to ryde horses: albeit that in his latter time, he had no great health of body, bicause he was very heavy and sad.  There were that liked that passing well in him, and went of purpose into the fielde to see the paines he tooke, striving to excell the rest.  Howheit those of the better sorte were very sory to see his avarice and ambition, considering specially, that being of a poore man become very rich, and of a right meane persone a great estate, that he coulde not now containe his prosperity within reasonable boundes, nor content him selfe to be esteerned and honored, quietlie enjoyinge all he had wonne, and which at that present he did possesse: but as if he had bene very poore and needy, after he had re- 

<Plut3-402>            CAIUS MARIUS

ceived such great honor and triumphes, would yet cary out his age so stowtly, even into CAPPADOCIA, and unto the realme of PONT, to goe fight there against Archelaus, and Neoptolemus, Lieutenaunts of king Mithridates. In deede he alleaged some reasons to excuse him selfe, but they were altogether vaine: for he sayd that he desired in persone to bring up his son in exercise of armes, and to teach him the discipline of warres.  That discovered the secret hidden plague, which of long time hath lurked in ROME, Marius specially having now met with a fit instrument, and minister to destroy the common wealth, which was, the insolent and rash Sulpitius: who altogether followed Saturninus doinges, saving that he was found too cowardly and fainte harted in all his enterprises, and for that did Marius justly reprove him.  But Sulpitius, bicause he would not dally nor delay time, had ever sixe hundred younge gentlemen of the order of knightes, whome he used as his gard about him, and called them the gard against the Senate.  And one day as the Consulls kept their common assembly in the market place, Sulpitius comming in armed apon them, made them both take their heeles, and get them packing: and as they fled, one of the Consulls sonnes being taken tardy, was slaine. Sylla being thother Consull, and perceiving that he was followed hard at hand unto Marius house, ranne into the same against the opinion of all the world: wherof they that ranne after him not being aware, passed by the house.  And it is reported that Marius him selfe conveyed Sylla safelie out at a backe dore, and that he being scaped thus, went unto his campe. Notwithstanding, Sylla him selfe in his commentaries doth not say, that he was saved in Marius house when he fled: but that he was brought thither to geve his consent unto a matter which Sulpitius woulde have forced him unto against his will, presenting him naked swordes on every side.  And he wryteth also, 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-403>

that being thus forcibly brought unto Marius house, he was kept there in this feare, untill such time as returninge into the market place, he was compelled to revoke againe the adjornement of justice, which he and his companion by edict had commaunded.  This done Sulpitius then being the stronger, caused the commission and charge of this warres against Mithridates to be assigned unto Marius by the voyce of the people.  Therfore Marius geving order for his departure, sent two of his Colonells before to take the army of Sylla: who having wonne his souldiers harts before, and stirred them up against Marius, brought them on with him directly towardes ROME, being no lesse then five & thirty thowsand fighting men: who setting apon the Captaines Marius had sent unto them, slewe them in the fielde. In revenge whereof Marius againe in ROME put many of Syllaes frendes & followers to death, & proclaimed open liberty by sound of trompet to all slaves & bondmen that would take armes for him: but there were never but three only that offered them selves.  Whereuppon, having made a litle resistaunce unto Sylla when he came into ROME, he was soone after compelled to runne his way.  Marius was no sooner out of the citie, but they that were in his company forsaking him, dispersed them selves here and there being darke night: and Marius him selfe got to a house of his in the contrie, called Salonium, and sent his sonne to one of his father in law Mutius farmes not farre from thence to make some provision for vittells. But Marius in the meane time, went hefore to OSTIA, where one of his frendes Numerius had prepared him a shippe, in the which he imbarked immediatly, not tarying for his sonne, and hoised saile, having only Granius his wives sonne with him.  In the meane time the younger Marius beinge at his father in law Mutius farme, stayed so long in getting of provision, in trussing of it up, and carying it away, that broade day light 

<Plut3-404>            CAIUS MARIUS

had like to have discovered him: for the enemies had advertisement whether he was gone, whereupon certaine horsemen were sent thither supposing to have found him.  But the keeper of the house having an inckling of their comminge, and preventing them also before they came, sodainely yoked his oxen to the carte which he loded with beanes, and hidde this younger Marius under the same.  And prickinge the oxen forwad with his goade, set out, and met them as he went towards the city, and delivered Marius in this sorte into his wives house: and there taking such thinges as he needed, when the night following came, went towards the sea, and tooke shippe, finding one crosse sayled, bound towards AFRICKE.  Marius the father saylinge on still, had a very good winde to poynte alongest the coast of ITALIE: notwithstanding, being afrayed of one Geminius, a chiefe man of TERRACINE, who hated him to the death, he gave the maryners warning thereof betimes, and willed them to take heede of landing at TERRACINE.  The maryners were very willing to obey him, but the winde stoode full against them comming from the mayne, which raised a great storme, and they feared much that their vessell which was but a bote, would not brooke the seas, besides that he him selfe was very sicke in his stomake, and sore sea beaten: notwithstanding, at the length with the greatest difficulty that might be, they recovered the coast over against the city of CIRCEES.  In the meane time, the storme increased still, and their vittells failed them: whereupon they were compelled to land, and went wandring up and downe not knowinge what to doe, nor what way to take.  But as it falleth out commonly in such like cases of extremitie, they thought it alwayes the best safetie for them, to flie from the place where they were, and to hope of that which they saw not: for if the sea were their enemy, the lande was so likewise.  To meete with men, they were 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-405>

afrayed: and not to meete with them on thother side lacking vittells, was in deede the greater daunger.  Neverthelesse, in the end they met with heard men that could geve them nothing to eate, but knowing Marius, warned him to get him out of the way as soone as he could possible, bicause it was not longe since that there passed by a great troupe of horsemen that sought him all about.  And thus being brought unto such perplexity, that he knew not where to bestowe him selfe, and specially for that the poore men he had in his company were almost starved for hunger: he got out of the high way notwithstanding, and sought out a very thicke wodde where he passed all that night in great sorow, and the next morninge being compelled by necessity, determined yet to employ his body before all his strength failed.  Thus he wandered on alongest the sea coast, still comforting them that followed the best he could, and praying them not to dispayre, but to referre them selves to him, even until the last hope, trusting in certaine prophecies which the Soothsayers had told him of long time before.  For when he was but very young, and dwelling in the contry, he gathered up in the lappe of his gowne, the ayrie of an Eagle, in the which were seven young Eagles: whereat his father and mother much wondering, asked the Soothsayers what that ment.  They answered, that their sonne one day should be one of the greatest men in the world, and that out of doubt he should obtaine seven times in his life the chiefest office of dignity in his contry.  And for that matter, it is sayd that so in dede it came to passe.  Other hold opinion, that such as were about Marius at that time, in that present place, and else where, during the time of his flying: they hearing him tell this tale, beleved it, and afterwardes put it downe in wrytinge, as a true thinge, although of trothe it is bothe false and fayned.  For they say, that the Eagle never getteth 

<Plut3-406>            CAIUS MARIUS

but two younge ones: by reason whereof it is mayntayned also that the Poet Musaus hathe lyed, in that which he bathe wrytten in these verses.

The Eagle layes three egges, and two she hatcheth forth:
But yet sbe bringeth up hut one that any thing is worth.
     Howsoever it was it is certaine that Marius many times during the time of his flying sayd, that he was assured he should come unto the seventh Consulship.  When they were comen neere now to the City of MINTURNES, about a two myle and a halfe from it, they might perceive a troupe of horsemen comming by the sea side, and two shippes on the sea that fell uppon the coast by good happe.  Wherefore they all beganne to runne (so long as they had breath and strength) towardes the sea, into the which they threw them selves, and got by swymming unto one of the shippes where Granius was: and they crossed over unto the Ile that is right against it called ENARIA.  Now for Marius, who was heavy and sicke of body, two of his servauntes holpe to hold him up alwayes above water, with the greatest paine and difficultie in the worlde: and at the last they labored so througbly, that they put him into the other shippe at the selfe same present, when the horsemen came unto the sea side, who cried out alowde to the maryners, to lande againe, or else throw Marius over borde, and then to goe where they would.  Marius on thother side humbly besought them with teares, not so to do: whereby the masters of the shippe in a shorte space were in many mindes whether to doe it, or not to doe it.  In the ende notwithstanding, they aunswered the horsemen they would not throwe him over the borde: so the horsemen went their way in a great rage.  But as soone as they were gone, the masters of the shippe chaunging minde, drewe towardes lande, and cast ancker about the mouth of the river of Liris, where it leaveth her 
CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-407>

banckes, and maketh great marysses: and there they tolde Marius he should doe well to goe a land to eate somewhat, and refresh his sea sicke body, till the winde served them to make saile, which doubtlesse sayed they, will be at a certaine hower when the sea winde falles and becomes calme, and that there riseth a litle winde from the lande, ingendred by the vapours of the marysses, which will serve the turn very well to take seas againe. Marius following their counsell, and thinking they had ment good faith, was set a lande uppon the rivers bancke: and there layed him downe apon the grasse, nothing suspecting that which happened after to him.  For the mariners presently taking their shippe againe, and hoysing up their anckers, sailed straight away, and fled: judging it no honesty for them to have delivered Marius into the handes of his enemies, nor safetie for them selves to have saved him.  Marius finding him selfe all alone, and forsaken of every man, lay on the ground a great while, and sayd never a word yet at the fength taking harte a litle to him, got up once againe on his feete, and painefully wandred up and downe where was neither way nor pathe at all, overthwart deepe marisses and great ditches, full of water and mudde, till he came at the length to a poore olde mans cotage, dwelling there in these marisses, & fallinge at his feete, besought him to helpe to save and succour a poore afflicted man, with promise that one day he would geve him a better recompence then he looked for, if he might escape this present daunger wherein he was.  The olde man whether for that he had knowen Marius aforetime, or that seeing him (by conjecture only) judged to be some great personage: told him that if he ment but to lye downe and rest him selfe a litle, his poore cabyne would serve that turne reasonably well: but if he ment to wander thus, to flie his enemies that followed him, he would then bring him into a more secret place, and far- 

<Plut3-408>            CAIUS MARIUS

der of from noyse.  Marius prayed him that he would so much doe for him: and the good man brought him into the marishe, unto a low place by the rivers side, where he made him lye downe, and then covered him with a great deale of reede and bent, and other such light thinges as could not hurte him.  He had not long bene there, but he heard a great noyse comming towardes the cabin of the poore old man: for Geminius of TERRACINE had sent men all about to seeke for him, whereof some by chaunce came that way, and put the poore man in a feare, and threatned him that he had received and hidden an enemie of the ROMAINES.  Marius hearing that, rose out of the place where the old man had layed him, and stripping him selfe starke naked, went into a parte of the marishe where the water was full of myre and mudde, and there was founde of those that searched for him: who takinge him out of the slime all naked as he was, caried him into the citie of MINTURNES, and delivered him there into the governours handes.  Open proclamation was made by the Senate through all ITALIIE, that they should apprehend Marius, and kill him wheresoever they founde him.  Notwithstanding, the governors and magistrates of MINTURNES thought good first to consult therupon amongest them selves, and in the meane time they delivered him into the safe custody of a woman called Fannia, whom they thought to have bene a bitter enemie of his, for an old grudge she had to him, which was this:  Fannia somtime had a husband called Tinnius, whom she was willing to leave for that they could not agree, & required her dower of him againe, which was very great.  Her husbande againe sayed, she had played the whore.  The matter was brought before Marius in his sixt Consulshippe, who had given judgement apon it.  Both parties being heard, and the law prosecuted on either side, it was found that this Fannia was a naughty woman of 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-409> her body, and

that her husband knowing it well enough before he maried her, yet tooke her with her faultes, and long time lived with her.  Wherefore Marius being angrie with them both, gave sentence that the husband should repay backe her dower, and that for her naughty life, she should pay foure farthings. This notwithstanding, when Fannia saw Marius, she grudged him not for that, and least of all had any revenginge minde in her towardes him, but contrarily did comforte and helpe him what she could with that she had.  Marius thanked her marvelously for it, and bad her hope well: bicause he met with good lucke as he was comming to her house, and in this manner.  As they were leading of him, when he came neere to Fanniaes house, her dore being open, there came an asse running out to go drinke at a conduit not farre from thence: and meeting Marius by the way, looked apon him with a lively joyfull countenaunce, first of all stopping sodainly before him, and then beginning to bray out alowde, and to leape and skippe by him.  Whereuppon Marius straight conjecturing with him selfe, said, that the goddes did signifie unto him, that he should save him selfe sooner by water then by lande: bicause that the asse leaving him, ranne to drinke, and cared not to eate.  So when he had tolde Fannia this tale, he desired to rest, and prayed them to let him alone, and to shut the chamber dore to him.  But the magistrates of the citie having consulted together about him, in the ende resolved they must deferre no lenger time, but dispatche him out of the way presently. Now when they were agreed apon it, they could not finde a man in the citie that durst take apon him to kill him: but a man of armes of the GAULES, or one of the CIMBRES (for we finde both the one and the other in wryting) that went thither with his sword drawen in his hande.  Now, that Place of the chamber wherein Marius lay, was very darke, 

<Plut3-410>            CAIUS MARIUS

and as it is reported, the man of armes thought he sawe two burninge flames come out of Marius eyen, and heard a voyce out of that darke corner saying unto him:  O fellowe, thou, darest thou come to kill Caius Marius? The barbarous GAULE hearing these wordes, ranne out of the chamber presently, casting his sworde in the middest of the flower, and crying out these wordes onely:  I can not kill Caius Marius.  This made the MINTURNIANS afraied in the city at the first, but asterwards it moved them to compassion.  So they were angry with them selves, and did repent them that they converted their counseh to so cruell & unkinde a deede, against one that had preserved all ITALIE: and to deny him aide in so extreame necessity, it was too great a sinne.  Therefore let us let him goe, sayed they to them selves, where he will, and suffer him take his fortune appointed him else where: and let us pray to the goddes to pardone this offence of ours, to have thrust Marius naked and beggerly out of our city.  For these considerations, the MINTURNIANS went all together to Marius where he was, and stoode about him, determining to see him safely conducted unto the sea side.  Now though every man was ready, and willing to pleasure him, some with one thing, some with an other, and that they did hasten him all they could possible, yet they were a good while a going thither: bicause there was a wodde called Marica, that laye right in their way betwene their city and the sea coast which they greatly reverence, and thinke it a sacriledge to cary any thing out of that wodde, that was once brought into it.  On thother side, to leave to goe through this wodde, and to compasse it rounde about, it would aske a marvelous long time.  So they standing all in doubt what they should doe, one of the auncientest men of the city, spake alowde unto them, and said: that there was no way forbidden them, that went about to save Marius life. Then Marius him selfe being 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-411>

the formest man, taking up some of the fardells which they caried with him, to pleasure him in the ship, went through the wodde.  All other things necessary being thus readily prepared for him with like goodwill, and specially the shippe which one Bellaeus had ordained for him: he caused all this storie to be painted in a table at large, which he gave unto the temple, out of the which he departed when he tooke shippe.  After he was departed thence, the winde by good fortune caried him into the Ile of ENARIA, where he founde Granius and some other of his frendes, with whom he tooke sea againe, and pointed towardes AFRICKE.  But lacking water, they were compelled to lande in SICILIA, in the territory of the city of ERIX: where by chaunce there laye a ROMAINE Quaestor who kept that coast.  Marius being landed there, scaped very narrowly that he was not taken of him: for he slue sixteene of his men that came out with him to take water.  So Marius getting him thence with all speede, crossed the seas, untill he arrived in the Ile of MENYNGE, where he first understoode that his sonne was saved with Cethegus, and that they were both together gone to Hiempsal king of the NUMIDIANS to beseeche him of ayde.  This gave him a litle corage, & made him bold to passe out of that Ile, into the coast of CARTHAGE.  Nowe at that time, Sextilius a ROMAINE Praetor was governor of AFRICXE, unto whom Marius had never done good nor hurt, and therfore he hoped, that for pity only he night perhappes have helpe at his hande.  Howbeit he was no sooner landed with a few of his men, but a sergeaunt came straight and sayd unto him: Sextilius, Praetor and Governor of LIBYA, doth forbid thee to lande in all this province: otherwise he telleth thee, that he will obay the Senates commaundement, and pursue thee as an eneniy of the ROMAINES.  Marius hearing this connnaundement, was so angry and sory both, that he 

<Plut3-412>            CAIUS MARIUS

coulde not readily tell what aunswere to make him, and pawsed a good while, and sayd never a word, still eying the sergeaunt with a grimme looke: untill he asked, what aunswer he would make to the Praetors commaundement. Marius then fetching a deepe sigh from his harte, gave him this aunswer. Thou shalt tell Sextilius that thou hast seene Caius Marius banished out of his contrie, sittinge amongest the ruines of the City of CARTHAGH.  By this aunswere, he wisely layed the example of the ruine and destrustion of that great City of CARTHAGE, before Sextilius eyes, and the chaunge of his fortune: to warne Sextilius that the like might fall uppon him. In the meanetime, Hiempsal king of the NUMIDIANs not knowing how to resolve, did honorably intreate young Marius and his companie.  But when they were willing to goe their way, he alwayes founde newe occasion to stay them, and was very glad to see that he started not for any oportunity or good occasion that was offered: notwithstandinge, there fortuned a happy meane unto them, whereby they saved them selves.  And this it was.  This Marius the younger being a fayer complexioned young man, it pitied one of the kinges concubines to see him so hardly delt withall.  This pity of hers was a shadow to cloke the love she bare him: but Marius would not hearken at the first to her intisementes, and refused her.  Yet in the ende, perceiving that there was no other way for him to escape thence, and considering that she did all thinges for their availe, more diligently and lovingly then she would have done, if she had not ment further matter unto him, then only to enjoy the pleasure of him: he then accepted her love and kyndnesse, so as at the length she taught him a way howe to flye, and save him selfe and his frendes.  Hereupon he went to his father, and after they had imbraced and saluted eche other, going alongest the sea side, they founde two scorpions fightinge together.  Mar- 

*CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-413>

ius tooke this for an ill signe: wherupon they quickly tooke a fisher boate, and went into the ile of CERCINA, which is no great distaunce of from firme lande.  They had no soner hoised up ancker, but they sawe the horse men which kinge Hiempsal had sent unto the place from whence they were departed: and that was one of the greatest daungers that Marius ever escaped.  In the meane time there was newes at ROME, that Silla made warre against kinge Mithridates Lieutenauntes: & furthermore, that the Consulls being up in armes thone against thother, Octavius wanne the battell, and being the stronger had driven out Cinna, who sought to have usurped tyrannicall power, and had made Cornelius Merula Consull in his place: and that Cinna on thother side leavied men out of other partes of lTALIE, and made warres upon them that were in ROME.  Marius hearing of this dissention, thought good to returne as soone as he could possible into ITALIE.  And assembling certaine horsemen of the nation of the MAURUSIANS in AFRICKE, and certaine ITALIANS that had saved them selves there, unto the number of a thowsand men in all: he tooke sea, and landed in a haven of THUSCANE called TELAMON, and being landed, proclaimed by sounde of trompet, liberty to all slaves and bonde men that would come to him.  So the laborers, heard men, and neateheardes of all that marche, for the onely name and reputacion of Marius, ranne to the sea side from all partes: of the which he having chosen out the stowtest and lustiest of them, wanne them so by fayer wordes, that having gathered a great companie together in few dayes, he made fortie sayle of them.  Furthermore, knowing that Octavius was a marvelous honest man, that would have no authoritie otherwise then law and reason would: and that Cinna to the contratie was suspected of Sylla, and that he sought to bring in chaunge and innovation to the common wealth, 

<Plut3-414>            CAIUS MARIUS

he determined to joyne his force with Cinna.  So Marius sent first unto Cinna, to lette him understande that he would obay him as Consull, and be ready to do all that he should commaunde him.  Cinna received him, & gave him the title and authoritie of Viceconsull, and sent him sergeaunts to carie axes and roddes before him, with all other signes of publicke authoritie.  But Marius refused them, and sayed, that pompe became not his miserable fortune: for he ever went in a poore threede bare gowne, and had let his heare grow still after he was banished, being above three score and tenne yeare olde, and had a sober gate with him, to make men pitie him the more that sawe him.  But under all this counterfeate pitie of his, he never chaunged his naturall looke, which was ever more fearefull and terrible, then otherwise.  And where he spake but litle, and went very demurely and soberly: that shewed rather a cankered corage within him, then a minde humbled by his banishment.  Thus when he had saluted Cinna, and spoken to the souldiers: he then beganne to set thinges abroache, and made a wonderfull chaunge in fewe dayes.  For first of all, with his shippes he cut of all the vittells by sea, and robbed the marchaunts that caried corne and other vittells to ROME: so that in a shorte space he was master purveyer for all necessarie provision and vittells.  After this he went alongest the coast, and tooke all the cities apon the sea side, and at the length wanne OSTlA also by treason, put the most parte of them in the towne to the sword, and spoyled all their goodes: and afterwards making a bridge apon the river of Tiber, tooke from his enemies all hope to have any manner of provision by sea.  That done, he went directly towardes ROME with his armie, where first he wanne the hill called Janiculum through Octavius faulte: who overthrewe him selfe in his doinges, not so much for lacke of reasonable skill of warres, as through his unprofitable 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-415>

curiositie and strictnes in observing the law.  For when diverse did perswade him to set the bond men at liberty to take armes for defence of the common wealth: he aunswered, that he would never geve bond men the law and priviledge of a ROMAINE citizen, having driven Marius out of ROME, to maintaine the authoritie of the lawe.  But when Cacilius Metellus was come to ROME, the sonne of that Metellus Numidicus, that having begonn the warres in LIBYA against king Jugurthe was put out by Marius: the souldiers forsooke Octavius immediatly, an came unto him, bicause they tooke him to be a better Captaine, and desired also to have a leader that could tell how to commaund them, to save the citie, and the common wealth.  For they promised to fight valliantly, and perswaded them selves that they should overcome their enemies, so that they had a skilfull and valliant Captaine that could order them.  Metellus misliking there offer, commaunded them in anger to returne againe unto the Consull: but they for spite went unto their enemies.  Metellus on thother side, seeing no good order taken in the citie to resist the enemies got him out of ROME.  But Octavius being perswaded by certaine Soothsayers and CHALDEAN Sacrificers, who promised him all should goe well with him, taried still in ROME.  For that man being otherwise, as wise as any ROMAINE of his time, and one that delt as uprightly in his Consulshippe, not caried .away with flattering tales, and one also that followed the auncient orders and customes as infallible rules and examples, neither breaking nor omitting any parte therof me thinkes yet had this imperfection, that he frequented the Soothsayers+, wise men, and astronomers, more then men skiffifll in armes and government. {skeptic+} Wherefore, before that Marius him self came into the citie, Octavius was by force pluct out of the pulpit for orations, & slaine presently by Marius souldiers, whome he had sent be- 

<Plut3-416>            CAIUS MARIUS

fore into the citie.  And it is sayed also, that when he was slaine, they founde a figuree of a CHALDEAN prophecie in his bosome: and here is to be noted a great contrarietie in these two notable men Octavius and Marius.  The first lost his life, by trusting to soothsaying: and the seconde prospered, and rose againe, bicause he did not despise the arte of divination. The state of ROME standing then in this maner, the Senate consulting together, sent Ambassadors unto Cinna and Marius, to pray them to come peacibly into ROME, and not to embrue their hands with the blood of their citizens.  Cinna sitting in his chayer as consul, gave them audience, and made them a very reasonable and curteous aunswer.  Marius standing by him, spake never a worde: but shewed by his sower looke that he would straight fill ROME with murder and blood.  So when the ambassadors were gone, Cinna came into ROME environned with a great number of souldiers: but Marius stayed sodainly at the gate, speaking partely in anger, and partely in mockerie, that he was a banished man, and driven out of his contrie by law.  And therefore if they would have him come into ROME againe, they should first by a contrarie decree abolish and revoke that of his banishment, as if he had bene a religious observer of the lawes, and as though ROME had at that present enjoyed their freedom and libertie.  Thus he made the people assemble in the market place to proceede to the confirmation of his calling home againe.  But before three or foure tribes had time to geve their voices, disguising the matter no lenger, and showing plainly that he ment not to be lawfully called home againe from exile: he came into ROME with a garde about him, of the veriest rascalls, and most shamelesse slaves, called the BARDIOEIANS, who came to him from all partes: and they for the least word he spake, or at the twinckling of his eye, or at a nodde of his head made to them, slew many men through his 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-417>

commaundement, and at the length slew Ancharius a Senator (that had bene Praetor) at Marius feete with their swordes, bicause only that Marius did not salute him when he came one day to *speake with him.  After this murthcr, they continued killinge all them that Marius did not salute, and spake unto: for that was the very signe he had geven them, to kill them openly in the streetes before every man, so that his very frendes were afearde of being murthered, when they came to salute him.  Thus being a great number of men slaine, Cinna in the end beganne to be satisfied, and to appease his anger.  But Marius anger and unsatiable desire of revenge increased more and more, so that he spared not one if he suspected him never so litle: and there was neither towne nor high way, that was not full of skowtes and spies, to hunte them out that hidde them selves and fled.  Then experience taught them, that no frende is faithfull, and to be trusted, if fortune especially frowne never so litle: for there were very fewe that did not betray their frendes that fled to them for succor. And therefore doe Cornutus servaunts so much the more deserve praise, who having secretly hidden their master in his house, did hang up the dead body of some common persone by the necke, and having put a golde ring on his finger, they shewed him to the BARDIOEIANS, Marims garde, and buried him in steade of their owne master, without suspicion of any man that it was a fained thing: and so Cornutus being hidden by his servauntes, was safely conveyed into the contrie of GAULE.  Marke Anthony the Orator had also founde out a faithfuh frende, yet was he unfortunate.  This faithfull frend of his, was a poore simple man, who having received one of the chiefest men of ROME, into his house to kepe him close there: he being desirous to make him the best chere he could with that litle he had, sent one of his men to the next taverne to fetche wine, and tastinge 

<Plut3-418>            CAIUS MARIUS

the wine more curiously then he was wont to do, he called for better. The drawer asked him, why the new ordinary wine would not serve him, but he must needes have of the best and dearest: the foolish fellow simply aunswered him (telling him as his familiar frend) that his master did feast Marke Anthony, who was hidden very secretly in his house.  He was no sooner gone with his wine, and his backe turned, but the vile traiterous drawer ranne unto Marius, who was set at supper when he came.  The drawer beinge brought to him, promised him to deliver Marke Anthony into his handes. Marius hearing that, was so joconde, that he cried out, and clapt his handes together for joye: and would have risen from the borde, and gone thither him selfe in persone, had not his frendes kept him backe.  But he sent Annius one of his Captaines thither with a certaine number of souldiers, and commaunded them to bringe him his heade quickely.  So they went thither, and when they were come to the house which the drawer had brought them to, Annius taried beneath at the dore, and the souldiers went up the stayers into the chamber, and finding Anthony there, they beganne to encorage one an other to kill him, not one of them having the harte to lay handes uppon him.  For Anthonyes tongue was as sweete as a Sirene, and had such an excellent grace in speaking, that when he began to speake unto the souldiers, and to pray them to save his life: there was not one of them so hard harted, as once to touch him, no not onely to looke him in the face, but looking downewardes, fell a weeping.  Annius perceiving they taried long, and came not downe, went him selfe up into the chamber, and found Anthony talking to his souldiers, and them weeping, his sweete eloquent tongue had so melted their hartes: but he rating them, ranne furiously apon him, and strake of his head with his owne handes.  And Catulus Luctatius also, that had bene 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-419>

Consull with Marius, and had triumphed over the CIMBRES with him, seeing him selfe in this perill, set men to intreate Marius for him: but his aunswere was ever, he must needes dye.  So Catulus locked him selfe into a litle chamber, and made a great fire of charcole to be kindled, and with the smoke thereof choked him selfe.  Now after their heades were cut of, they threw out the naked bodies into the streetes, and trodde them under their feete: the which was not only a pitiefull, but a fearefull sight to all that sawe them.  But after all this yet, there was nothing that grieved the people so much, as the horrible lechery and abhominable cruelty of this gard of the BARDIAEIANS, who comming into mens houses by force, after they bad slaine the masters, defiled their young children, and ravished their wives and maides, and no man would once reprove their crueltie, lecherie, and unsatiable avarice: untill Cinna and Sertorius in the end set apon them as they slept in their campe, and slewe them every one.  But in this extremitie, as if all thinges had bene restored unto their first estate, newes came againe from all partes to ROME, that Sylla having ended his warre against king Mithridates, and recovered the provinces which he had usurped: returned into ITALIE with a great power.  This caused these evills and unspeakeable miseries to cease a litle, bicause the wicked doers of the same looked they should have warres on their backes ere it were long. Whereuppon Marius was chosen Consull the seventh time.  He going out of his house openly the first day of Januarie, being the beginning of the yeare, to take possession of his Consulshippe: caused one Sextus Lucinus to be throwen downe headlong from the rocke Tarpeian, which seemed to be a great signe & certaine token of the evills and miseries, that fell out afterwards the selfe same yere apon them of their faction and unto all the citie beside.  But Marius being sore broken with his former 

<Plut3-420>            CAIUS MARIUS

troubles, and his minde oppressed with extreame sorow and griefe, could not now at this last time of neede plucke up his harte to him againe, when he came to thinke of this newe toward warre that threatned him, and of the daungers, griefes, and troubles he should enter into, more great and perillous then any he had passed before.  For through the great experience he had in warres, he trembled for feare when he beganne to thinke of it, considering that he had to fight, not with Octavius, nor with Merula, Captaines of a compame of rebells gathered together: but with a noble Sylla, that had driven him out of ROME before, and that came now from driving the puisant king Mithridates, unto the furdest parte of the realme of PONT, and of the sea Euxinum.  Thus, deepely waying and considering the same, and specially when he looked backe uppon his long time of banishment, how vacabondlike he wandered up and downe in other contries, and remembred the great misfortunes he had passed, and the sundrie daungers he fell so often into, being pursued still by sea and by land: it grieved him to the harte, and made him so unquiet, that he coulde not sleepe in the night, or if he slept, had fearefull dreames that troubled him, and still he thought he heard a voyce bussing in his eares.

A Lyons very denne, is dreadfull to behold.
Though be him selfe begone abroade, and be not therein hold.
     But fearing most of all that he should no more sleepe and take his rest, he gave him selfe to make unreasonable banckets, and to drinke more then his yeres could beare, seeking to winne sleepe by this meanes, to avoyde care the better. {Macbeth+} But at the length there came one from the sea, that gave him certaine intelligence of all: and that was an increase of a new feare unto him.  And thus he being now extreamely troubled, partely for feare of the thing to 
CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-421>

come, and partely also for the over heavie burden of his present ill, there neded but litle more aggravation, to fall into the disease whereof he dyed, which was a plewrisie: as Posidonius the Philosopher wryteth, who saye plainly that he went into his chamber when he was sicke, and spake unto him about matters of his Ambassade, for the which he came to ROME. Yet an other historiographer Caius Piso wryteth, that Marius walking one day after supper with his frendes, fell in talke of his fortune from the beginning of his life, telling them at large how often fortune had turned with and against him: concluding, that it is no wise mans parte to trust her any more.  So when he had done, he tooke his leave of them, and layed him downe upon his bed, where he lay sicke seven dayes together, and on the seventh day dyed.  Some wryte that his ambition appeared plainly, by a straunge raving that tooke him in his head during his sickenes.  For he thought that he made warres with Mithridates, and shewed in his bed all his gestures and movings of his bodie, as if he had bene in a battell, crying the selfe same cryes out alowde, which he was wont to crie when he was in the extreamest fight.  The desire he had to have taken this charge in hande against Mithridates, was so deepely seded in his minde through extreame ambition and jealouzy that possest him: that being then three score and ten yeare old, after he had bene the first man that ever was chosen seven times Consull in ROME, and also after that he had gotten a world of goodes and richesse together that might have suffised many kinges: yet for all this he dyed for sorrowe, lamenting his harde fortune, as if he had dyed before his time, and before that he had done and ended that which he had desired. {Hotspur+} But this was cleane contrarie unto that the wise Plato did, when he drewe neere to his death.  For he gave God thankes for his fatall end and good fortune.  First, for that he had made him a 

<Plut3-422>            CAIUS MARIUS

reasonable man, and no brute beast: secondly, a Greke and no barbarous man: and furthermore, for that he was borne in Socrates time.  It is reported also, that one Antipater of THARSIS, calling to mind a litle before his death his life time, did not forgette tell of the happie navigation he made comming from his contrie unto ATHENS: which did witnesse that he put upon the fyle of his good accompts for a singular great grace, all favor fortune had shewed him, and that he kept it in perpetuall memorie, being the onely and most assured treasure a man can have, to kepe those giftes that nature or fortune+ doe bestowe upon him.  But contrariwise, unthankefull fooles unto God and nature both, doe forget with time the memory of their former benefittes, and laying up nothing, not keping it in perpetuall memory, are alwayes voyde of goods and full of hope, gaping still for things to come and leaving in the meane time the things present, though reason persuades them the contrary.  For fortune may easily let them of the thing to come, but she can not take that from them which is already past: and yet they utterly forget the certaine benefit of fortune, as a thing nothing belonging unto them, & dreame alwayes of that which is uncertaine.  And sure it chaunceth to them by great reason.  For, having gathered outward goodes together, and locking them up before they have built and layd a sure grounded foundacion of reason through good learning: they can not afterwardes fill nor quenche their unsatiable greedie covetous minde. {Shylock+} Thus ended Marius his life, the seventeenth day of his seventh Consulshippe, whereof all the citie of ROME was not a litle glad, and tooke harte againe unto them, supposing they had then bene delivered from a bloodie cruell tyranny. But within few dayes after they knew it to their cost, that they had chaunged an olde master tak- 

CAIUS MARIUS           <Plut3-423>

en out of the worlde, for a younger that came but newly to them: such extreame unnaturall cruelties, & murders did Marius the younger commit, after the death of his father Marius, murdering in manner all the chiefest noble men of ROME.  At the first, they tooke him for a valliant and hardy young man, whereuppon they named him the sonne of Mars: but shortly after his deedes did shew the contrary, and then they called him the sonne of Venus+.  In the end he was shut in, and besieged by Sylla in the city of PERUSIA, where he did what he could possible to save his life, but all was in vaine: and lastly, seeing no way to escape, the city being taken, he slewe him selfe with his owne handes.

The end of Caius Marius life.

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