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Transcription conventions: Page numbers in angle brackets refer to this edition. The pages begin at 158 because Volume II of the Nutt edition contains the first three lives of the Shakespeare Head edition used for this segment. Words or phrases singled out for indexing are marked by plus signs. In the index, numbers in parentheses indicate how many times the item appears. I have allowed Greek passages to stand as the scanner read them, in unintelligible strings of characters.

MARCUS Cato and his auncesters, were (as they say) of the city of THUSCULUM: but before he went unto the warres, and delt in matters of the common wealth, he dwelt and lived in the contry of the SABYNES, upon certeine land his father left him.  And though to many, his auncesters were knowen to have bene obscure: yet he him self did highly commende his father Marcus, by bearing his name, and saying he was a souldier, and had served valliantly in the fielde.  And he telleth also of an other Cato that was his great grandfather, who for his valliant service had bene most rewarded of the generals, with such honorable giftes, as the ROMAINES did use to geve unto them, that had done some famous act in any battell: and how that he havinge lost
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five horses of service in the warres, the value of the same were restored to him againe in money of the common treasure, bicause he had shewed himselfe trusty and valliant for the common wealth.  And where they had a common speeche at ROME to call them upstartes, that were no gentlemen borne, but did rise by vertue: it fortuned Cato to be called one of them.  And for his parte, he did confesse it, that he was of the first of the house that ever had honor, and office of state: but by reason of the noble actes and good service of his auncestors, he maintained he was very auncient.  He was called at the beginning after his third name Priscus: but afterwardes by reason of his great wisedom and experience, he was surnamed Cato, bicause the ROMAINES call a wise man, and him that hath seene much, Cato.  He was somewhat geven to be redde faced, and had a payer of staring eyes in his heade, as this man telleth us, that for ill will wrote these verses of him after his death.

Pluto (the god) which rules the furies infernall,
will not receive the damned ghost, of Porcius his hall:
his saucy coppered nose, and flaring eyes,
his common slaunderous tales, which be did in this world devise,
made Pluto stande in dread that he would brawle in hell,
although his bones were drie and dead, on earth be was so fell.

to speake well in litle villages neere home, whether he went many times to plead mennes causes in courtes judiciall, that would retaine him of counsell: so as in short time he became a perfect pleader, and had tongue at will, and in processe of time became an excellent orator.  After he was thus well knowen, they that were familiar with him, began to perceive a grave+ manner and behaviour in his life, and a certaine noble minde in him, worthie to be employed in matters of state and great importance, and to be called into the common wealth.  For he did not onely refuse to take fees for his pleading, and following the causes he maintained: but furthermore made no reckening of the estimacion he wanne by that manner and practise, as though that was not the only marke he shot at.  But his desire reached further, rather to winne him selfe fame by service in the warres, and, by valliant fightinge with his enemie: then with such a quiet and pleasing manner of life.  Insomuch as when he was but a younge striplinge in maner, he had many cuttes apon his brest, which he had received in diverse battells and encounters against the enemies.  For he him selfe wryteth, that he was but seventeene yeare old, when he went first unto the warres, which was about the time of Hanniballs chiefe prosperitie, when he spoyled and destroved all ITALIE.  So when he came to fight, he would strike lustely, and never sturre foote nor geve backe, and woulde looke cruelly uppon his enemie, and threaten him with a fearefull and terrible voice, which he used him selfe, and wisely taught other also to use the like: for such countenaunces, sayed he, many times doe feare the enemies more, then the sworde ye offer them.  When he went any jorney, he ever marched a foote, and caried his armour apon his backe, and had a man waytinge on him that caried his vittells with him, with whom he was never angry (as they say) for any thing he had prepared for his 

dinner or supper, but did helpe to dresse it him selfe for the most parte, if he had any leasure, when he had done the duety of a private souldier in fortifying the campe, or such other nedefull businesses.  All the while he was abroade in service in the warres, he never drancke other then cleane water, unlesse it were when he founde he was not well, and then he woulde take a litle vineger: but if he saw he were weake, he woulde then drinke a litle wine.  Now it fortuned, that Manius Curius the ROMAINE, who had triumphed thrise, hadde a prety house and lande hard by Cato, where he kept in times past, which Cato for a walke would visite oft.  And he considering how litle lande he had to his house, and what a litle house he had withall, and how poorely it was built, wondered with him selfe what maner of man Curius had bene, that having bene the greatest man of ROME in his time, and having subdued the mightiest nations and people of all ITALIE, and driven kinge Pyrrus also out of the same: yet him selfe with his owne handes did manure that litle patche of grounde, and dwel in so poore and small a farme. {PlainDealer+} Whether notwithstanding, after his three triumphes, the SAMNYTES sent their Ambassadors to visite him, who founde him by the fyers side seething of perseneapes, and presented him a marvelous deale of golde from their state and communalty.  But Curius, returned them againe with their gold, and told them, that such as were contented with that supper, had no nede of gold nor silver: and that for his parte, he thought it greater honor to commaunde them that had gold, then to have it him selfe.  Cato remembring these thinges to him selfe, went home againe, and begmne to thinke upon his house, of his livinge, of his family and servauntes, and also of his expences: and to cut of all superfluous charges, and fell him selfe to labor with his owne handes, more then ever he hadde done before. Furthermore, 

when Fabius Maximus tooke the city of TARENTUM againe, Cato served under him being very younge, where he fell into familiar acquaintance with Nearchus the PYTHAGORIAN philosopher, in whom he tooke marvelous delight to heare him talke of Philosophy.  Which Nearchus held the same opinion of pleasure, that Plato did, by callinge it the sweete poyson and chiefest bayte to allure men to ill: and saying that the body was the first plague unto the soule, and that her onely health, remedy, and purgation stoode apon rules of reason, good examples and contemplations, that drive sinful thoughts and carnall pleasures of the body, farre of from her.{Stoicism+} Cato moreover gave him selfe much to sobriety and temperaunce, and framed him selfe to be contented with litle.  They say he fell in his very olde age to the study of the Greeke tongue, & to reade Greeke bookes, and that he profited somwhat by Thucydides, but much more by Demosthenes, to frame his matter, and also to be eloquent.  Which plainly appeareth, in all his bookes and writinges, full of authorities, examples, and stories taken out of Greeke authors: and many of his sentences and moralls+, his adages and quicke answers, are translated out of the same word for word.  Now there was a noble man of ROME at that time, one of great authoritie, and a deepe wise man besides, who coulde easily discerne buddes of vertue sprowtinge out of any towardly youth, who was of a good and honorable disposition to helpe forwarde, and to advaunce such.  His name was Valerius Flaccus, a neere neighboure unto Cato, who was informed by his servaunts of Catoes straunge life, how he would be doing in his ground with his owne hands: and how he would be gone every day betimes in the morning to litle villages thereabout, to pleade mens causes that prayed his counsaill, and that when he had done, he would come home againe: and if it were in winter, that he would but cast a 

litle coate on his shoulders, and being sommer he would go out bare, naked to the wast, to worke in his ground among his servaunts and other workemen: and would besides, sit and eate with them together at one borde, and drinke as they did.  Moreover, they told him also a world of such maners & facions which he used, that shewed [him] to be a marvelousplaine+ man, without pride & of a good nature.  Then they tolde him what notable wise sayinges and grave sentences they heard him speake.  Valerius Flaccus hearing this reporte of him, willed his men one day to pray him to come to supper to him.  Who falling in acquaintance with Cato, and perceiving he was of a very good nature, and wel given, and that he was a good griffe to be set in a better ground: he perswaded him to come to ROME, and to practise there in the assembly of the people, in the common causes and affayres of the common weale.  Cato followed his counsail, who having bene no long practiser among them, did grow straight into great estimacion, and wanne him many frends, by reason of the causes he tooke in hand to defend: and was the better preferred and taken also, by meanes of the speciall favour and countenaunce Valerius Flaccus gave him.  For first of all, by voyce of the people be was chosen Tribune of the souldiers, (to say, colonell of a thousand footemen) and afterwards was made treasorer: and so went forwards, and grew to so great credit and authority, as he became Valerius Flaccus companion in the chiefest offices of state, being chosen Consul with him, and then Censor.  But to begin withal, Cato made choise of Quintus Fabius Maximus, above all the Senators of ROME, and gave him selfe to follow him altogether: and not so much for the credit and estimacion Fabiu Maximus was of, (who therein exceded all the ROMAINES of that time) as for the modesty and discrete government he sawe in him, whome he determined to followe, 

as a worthy myrror & example.  At which time Cato passed not for the malice and evil will of Scipio the great, who did strive at that present being but a young man, with the authoritie and greatnesse of Fabius Maximus, as one that seemed to envy his risinge and greatnesse.  For Cato being sent treasorer with Scipio, when he undertooke the jorney into AFRIKE, and perceiving Scipioes bountifull nature and disposition to large giftes without meane to the souldiers: he tolde him plainly one day, that he did not so much hurt the common wealth in wasting their treasure, as he did great harme in chaunging the auncient maner of their auncesters: who used their souldiers to be contented with litle, but he taught them to spende their superfluous money (all necessaries provided for) in vaine toyes and trifles, to serve their pleasure.  Scipio made him aunswere, he woulde have no treasorer shoulde controll him in that sorte, nor that should looke so narrowly to his expences: for his intent was to go to the wars, with full sayles as it were, and that he woulde (and did also determine to) make the state privie to all his doinges, but not to the money he spent.  Cato hearing this aunswer, returned with spede out of SICILE unto ROME, crying out with Fabius Maximus in open Senate, that Scipio spent infinitely, and that he tended playes, commedies, and wrestlinges, as if he had not bene sent to make warres, invasions, and attemptes apon their enemies.  Apon this complaint the Senate appointed certeine Tribunes of the people, to goe and see if their informations were true: and finding them so, that they should bring him backe againe to ROME.  But Scipio shewed farre otherwise to the commissioners that came thither, and made them see apparaunt victorie, through the necessary preparacion and provision he had made for the warres: and he confessed also, that when he had dispatched his great businesse, and was at any leasurehe would be pri- 

vately mery with his frends: and though he was liberall to his souldiers, yet that made him not negligent of his duety and charge in any matter of importance.  So Scipio tooke shippinge, and sayled towards AFRIKE, whether he was sent to make warre.  Now to returne to Cato.  He daily increased still in authority and credit by meanes of his eloquence, so that diverse called him the Demosthenes of ROME: howbeit the maner of his life was in more estimacion, then his eloquence.  For all the youth of ROME did seeke to attaine to his eloquence and commendacion of wordes, and one envied an other which of them should come nearest: but few of them woulde fyle their handes with any labor as their forefathers did, and make a light supper and dinner, without fire or provision, or woulde be content with a meane gowne, and a poore lodging, and finally woulde thinke it more honorable to defye fansies and pleasures, then to have and enjoy them.  Bicause the state was waxen now of such power and wealth, as it could no more retaine the auncient discipline, and former austeritie and straitnes of life it used: but by reason of the largenes of their dominion and seigniory, and the numbers of people and nations that were become their subj ects, it was even forced to receive a medley of sundry contry facions, examples, & maners. {PlainDealer+} This was a cause, why in reason men did so greatly wonder at Catoes vertue, when they sawe other straight wearyed with paines & labor, tenderly brought up like pulers: and Cato on the other side never overcommen, either with the one or with the other, no not in his youth, when he most coveted honor, nor in his age also when he was gray headed and balde, after his Consullship and triumphe, but like a conqueror that had gotten the maistery, he would never geve over labor even unto his dying day.  For he writeth him selfe, that there never came gowne on his backe that cost him above a hundred pence, and 

that his hyndes and worke men alwayes dronke no worse wine, when he was ConsuR and generall of the armie, then he did him selfe: and that his cater never bestowed in meate for his supper, above thirty Asses of ROMAINE money, and yet he sayed it was, bicause he might be the stronger, and apter to do service in the warres for his contry and the common wealth.  He sayd furthermore, that being heire to one of his frends that dyed, he had a peece of tapestry by him with a deepe border, which they called then the babilonian border, and he caused it straight to be solde: and that of all his houses he had abroade in the contry, he had not one wall plastered, nor rough cast.  Moreover he would say, he never bought bondeman or slave dearer, then a thowsande five hundred pence, as one that sought not for fine made men, and goodly personages, but strong fellowes that could away with paynes, as carters, horsekepers, neatheardes, and such like: and againe he woulde sell them when they were olde, bicause he would not keepe them when they coulde do no service.  To conclude, he was of opinion, that a manne bought any thinge deere, that was for litle purpose: yea, though he gave but a farthing for it, he thought it to much to bestow so litle, for that which needed not.  He would have men purchase houses, that hadde more store of errable lande and pasture, then of fine orteyardes or gardeins. Some saye, he didde thus, for very miserie and covetousnesse: other thinke, and tooke it that he lived so sparingely, to move others by his example to cutte of all superfluitie and wast. {PlainDealer+} Neverthelesse, to sell slaves in that sorte, or to turne them out of dores when you have hadde the service of all their youth, and that they are growen olde, as you use brute beastes that have served whilest they may for age: me thinkes that must needes proceede of to seveare and greedie nature, that hath no lenger regarde or considerac 

ion of humanitie+, then whilest one is able to doe an other good.  For we see, gentlenesse goeth further then justice.  For nature teacheth us to use justice onely unto menne, but gentlenesse sometimes is shewed unto brute beastes: and that commeth from the very fountains and springe of all curtesie and humilitie, which shoulde never drye up in any manne livinge. For to saye truely, to keepe cast horses spoyled in our service, and dogges also not onely when they are whelpes, but when they be olde: be even tokens of love and kindenesse.  As the ATHENIANS made a lawe, when they builded their temple called Hecatompedon: that they shoulde suffer the moyles and mulettes that did service in their cariages about the buildings of the same, to graze everie where, without lette or trouble of any manne.  And they say, there was one of those moyles thus turned at libertie, that came of her selfe to the place to labour, goinge before all the other draught beastes, that drewe uppe cartes loden towardes the castell, and kept them companie, as though she seemed to encorage the rest to drawe: which the people liked so well in the poore beast, that they appointed she shoulde be kept whilest she lived, at the charge of the towne.  And yet at this present are the graves of Cimons mares to be seene, that wanne him thrise together the game of the horse race at the games Olympian, and they are harde by the grave of Cimon him selfe.  We heare of diverse also that hadde buried their dogges they brought uppe in their house, or that wayted on them: as amonge other olde Xanthippus buried his dogge on the toppe of a cliffe, which is called the dogges pit till this day.  For when the people of ATHENs did forsake their citie at the comminge downe of Xerxes the kinge, this dogge followed his master, swimminge in the sea by his gallies side, from the firme lande, unto the Ile of SALAMINA.  And there is no reason, to use livinge and 

sencible thinges, as we woulde use an olde shooe or a ragge: to cast it out apon the dongehill when we have worne it, and can serve us no longer. For if it were for no respect els, but to use us alwayes to humanitie: we must ever showe our selves kinde & gentle, even in such small poyntes of pitie.  And as for me, I coulde never finde in my hart to sell my drawght Oxe that hadde plowed my lande a longe time, bicause he coulde plowe no longer for age: and much lesse my slave to sell him for a litle money, out of the contrie where he had dwelt a long time, to plucke him from his olde trade of life wherewith he was best acquainted, and then specially, when he shal be as unprofitable for the buyer, as also for the seller. But Cato on the other side gloried, that he left his horse in SPAYNE he had served on in the warres duringe his Consulship, bicause he would not put the common wealth to the charge of bringing of him home by sea into ITALIE.  Now a question might be made of this, & probable reason of either side, whether this was nobleness or a niggardlines in him: but otherwise to say truely, he was a man of a wonderful abstinence.  For when he was general of the army, he never tooke allowance but after three bushells [of] wheat a moneth of the common wealth, for him selfe & his whole family: & but a bushel & halfe of barley a day, to keepe his horse and other beastes for his cariage.  On a time when he was Praetor, the government of the Ile of SARDINIA fell to his lot.  And where the other Praetors before him hadde put the contry to exceeding great charge, to furnish them with tents, bedding, clothes, and such like stuffe, and burdened them also with a marvelous traine of servaunts & their frends that waited on them, putting them to great expence of feasting and bancketing of them:  Cato in contrary maner brought downe all that excesse and superfluitie, unto a marvelous neere and uncredible savinge.  For when he 

went to visite the cities, he came a foote to them, & did not put them to a penny charge for him selfe: and had onely one officer or bailife of the state, that waited on him, and caried his gowne and a cuppe with him, to offer up wine to the goddes in his sacrifices.  But though he came thus simply to the subjects, and eased them of their former charges, yet he shewed him selfe severe and bitter to them in matters concerning justice: and spared no man, in any commaundement or service for the state and common wealth.  For he was therein so precise, that he woulde not beare with any litle fault.  So by this meanes, he brought the SARDINIANS under his govvernment both to love and feare+ the Empire of ROME, more then ever they did before. For his grace both in speakinge and wrytinge did tightly shewe him selfe: bicause it was pleasaunt, & yet grave: sweete & fearfull: mery & seveare: sententious, and yet familiar: such as is meete to be spoken. {PlainDealer+} And he was to be compared, as Plato sayed, unto Socrates: who at the first sight seemed a plaine simple manne to them that knew him not outwardly, or else a pleasant tawnter or mocker: but when they did looke into him, and found him throughly, they sawe he was full of grave sentences, goodly examples, and wise perswasions, that he coulde make men water their plantes that hearde him, and leade them as he would by the eare.  Therefore I can not see any reason that moves men to saye, Cato hadde Lysias grace and utteraunce.  Notwithstandinge, lette us referre it to their judgementes that made profession to discerne orators graces and styles: for my parte I shall content my selfe to write at this present, onely certaine of his notable sayinges & sentences, mennes manners are better then by their lookes, and so do many thinke.  On a time hee seeking to disswade the people of ROME, which woulde needes make a thanke- 

full distribution of corne unto everie citizen, to no purpose: beganne to make an oration with this preface. lt is a harde thinge (my Lordes of ROME) to bringe the bellie by perswasion to reason, that hath no eares. And an other time, reprovinge the ill government of the citie of ROME, he sayed: it was a hard thinge to keepe uppe that state, where a litle fishe was solde dearer then an Oxe.  He sayed also that the ROMAINES were like a flocke of sheepe.  For sayeth he, as every weather when he is alone, doth not obey the sheepeheard, but when they are all together they one followe an other for love of the foremost: even so are you, for when you are together, you are all contented to be ledde by the noses by such, whose counsell not a man alone of you woulde use in any private cause of your owne.  And talkinge an other time of the authoritie the women of ROME had over their husbandes.  He sayed: other men commaunde their wives, and we commaunde men, and out wives commaund us.  But this last of all, he borowed of Themistocles pleasaunt sayings.  For his sonne making him do many things by meanes of his mother, he told his wife one day.  The ATHENIANS commaund al GREECE, I commaunde the ATHENIANS, you commaunde me, & your sonne ruleth you.  I pray you therefore bid him use the libertie he hath with some better discretion, foole and asse as he is, sithence he can doe more by that power and authority, then all the GREECIANs besides.  He sayed also that the people of ROME did not onely delight in diverse sortes of purple, but likewise in diverse sortes of exercises.  For sayd he, as diverse commonly dye that cullour they see best esteemed, and is most pleasaunt to the eye: even so the lusty youthes of ROME doe frame them selves to such exercise, as they see your selves most like, & best esteme.  He continually advised the ROMAINES, that if their power and greatnes came by their vertue and temperance, 

they should take hede they became no chaungelings, nor waxe worse: and if they came to that greatnes by vice and violence, that then they should chaunge to better, for by that meanes he knew very wel they had attained to great honor and dignity.  Again he told them, that such as sued ambitiously to beare office in the connnon wealth, and were connnon suters for them: did seme to be afraid to lose their way, and therfore would be sure to have ushers and sergeants before them, to show them the way, least they should lose themselves in the city.  He did reprove them also, that often chose one man, to continew one office still: for it seemeth, saith he, either that you passe not much for your officers, or that you have not many choise men you thinke worthy for the office.  There was an enemy of his that ledde a marvelous wicked and an abominable life, of whome he was wont to say, that when his mother prayed unto the goddes that she might leave her sonne behinde her, she did not thinke to pray, but to curse: meaninge to have him live for a plague to the world.  And to an other also that had unthriftely solde his lands which his father had left him, lying upon the sea side: he pointed unto them with his finger, and made as though he wondered how he came to be so great a man, that he was stronger then the sea.  For that which the sea hardly consumeth, and eateth into, by litle and litle a long time: he had consumed it all at a clappe.  An other time when kinge Eumenes was come to ROME, the Senate entertained him marvelous honorably, and the noblest citizens did strive, envying one an other, who shoulde welcome him best.  But Cato in contrary maner shewed plainely, that he did suspect all this feastinge and entertainement, and would not come at it.  When one of his familiar frendes tolde him, I marvell why you flie from king Eumenes companie, that is so good a Prince, & loves the ROMAINES so well.  Yea, sayed he, let it be so, 

but for all that, a king+ is no better then a ravening beast that lives of the pray: neither was there ever any kinge so happie, that deserved to be compared to Epaminondas, to Pericles, to Themistocles, nor to Manius Curius, or to Hamylcar, surnamed Barea.  They say his enemies did malice him, bicause he used commonly to rise before day, and did forget his owne busines to folow matters of state.  And he affirmed, that he had rather loose the rewarde of his well doing, then not to be punished for doing of evill: and that he woulde beare with all other offending ignorauntly, but not with him selfe.  The ROMAINES having chosen on a time three Ambassadors to send into the realme of BITHYNIA, one of them having the gowte in his feete, the other his heade full of cuttes and great gashes, and the third being but a foole:  Cato laughinge, sayd the ROMAINES sent an Ambassade that had neither feete, heade, nor hart.  Scipio sued once to Cato at Polybius request, about those that were banisbed from ACHAIA.  The matter was argued afterwardes in the Senate, and there fell out divers opinions about it. Some would have had them restored to their contrie and goodes againe: other were wholly against it.  So Cato risinge up at the last, sayed unto them. It seemes we have litle else to do, when we stand beating of our braines all day, disputing about these olde GREECIANS, whether the ROMAINES, or the ACHAIANS, shall bury them.  In the end, the Senate tooke order, they shoulde be restored unto their contrie againe.  Whereup@on Polybius thought to make petition againe unto the Senate, that the banished men whom they hadde restored by their order, might enjoy their former estates and honors in ACHAIA, they had at the time of their banishment: but before he would move the sute unto the Senate, he woulde feele Catoes opinion first, what he thought of it.  Who aunswered him, smyling: me thinkes Polybius thou art like 

Ulysses, that when he had scaped out of Cyclops cave the gyant, he would nedes go thither againe, to fetch his hatte and girdell he had left behinde him there.  He sayd also, that wise men did learne and profit more by fooles, then fooles did by wise men.  For wise men sayd he, do see the faults fooles commit, and can wisely avoide them: but fooles never study to follow the example of wise mens doings.  He sayed also that he ever liked young men better that blushed, then those that looked ever whitely: and that he woulde not have, him for a souldier, that wagges his hande as he goeth, {effeminacy+} removes his feete when he fighteth, and rowteth and snorteth lowder in his sleepe, then when he crieth out to his enemy.  An other time when he woulde taunt a marvelous fatte man: see, sayed he, what good can such a body do to the common wealth, that from his chinne to his coddepece is nothing but belly?  And to an other man that was geven to pleasure, and desired to be great with him: my frende, sayed Cato as refusinge his acquaintance: I can not live with him that hath better judgement in the pallate of his mouth, then in his{PlainDealer+} hart.  This was also his sayinge, that the soule of a lover, lived in an others body: and that in all his life time he repented him of three thinges.  The first was, if that he ever tolde secret to any woman: the seconde, that ever he went by water, when he might have gone by lande: the thirde, that he had bene idle a whole day, and had done nothing.  Also when he saw a vicious olde man, he would say, to reprove him:  O gray bearde, age bringeth many deformities with it, helpe it not besides with your vice.  And to a seditious tribune of the people that was suspected to be a poysoner, and would needes passe some wicked law by voyce of the people, he woulde say: o young man, I know not which of these two be worse, to drinke the drugges thou gevest, or to receive the lawes thou offerest.  An other time, being re- 

viled by one that ledde a lewde, and naughty life: go thy way, sayd he, I am no man to scolde with thee.  For thou art so used to revile, and to be reviled, that it is not daynty to thee:  But for my selfe, I never use to heare scolding, and much lesse delite to scolde.  These be his wise sayinges we finde written of him, whereby we may the easilier conjecture his maners and nature.  Now, when he was chosen Consull with his frend Valerius Flaccus, the government of SPAYNE fell to his lott, that is on this sideof the river of BAETIS.  So, Cato havinge subdued many people by force of armes, and wonne others also by frendly meanes: sodainly there came a marvelous great army of the barbarous people against him, and had environned him so, as he was in marvelous daunger, either shamefully to be taken prisonner, or to be slaine in the fielde.  Wherefore, he sent presently unto the CELTIBERIANS, to pray aide of them, who were next neighbours unto the marches where he was.  These CELTIBERIANS did aske him two hundred talentes to come and help him: but the ROMAINES that were about him, coulde not abide to hyer the barbarous people to defende them.  Then Cato tolde them straight, there was no hurt in it, nor any dishonor unto them.  For sayed he, if the fielde be ours, then we shall pay their wages we promised, with the spoyle and money of our enemies: and if we loose it, then our selves and they lye by it, beinge left neither man to pay, nor yet any to aske it.  In the ende he wanne the battel, after a sore conflict, and after that time he hadde marvelous good fortune.  For Polybius wryteth, that all the walles of the cities that were on this side the river of BAETIS, were by his commaundement rased all in one day, which were many, and full of good souldiers.  Him selfe wryteth, that he tooke moe cities in SPAYNE, then he remained there dayes: and it is no vaine boast, if it be true that is written, that there were foure hundred cities 

of them.  Now, though the souldiers under him had gotten well in this jorney, and were riche, yet he caused a pounde weight of silver to be geven to every souldier besides: saying, he liked it better that many should returne home with silver in their purses, then a few of them with golde only.  But for him selfe, he affirmed: that of all the spoyle gotten of the enemies, he never had any thinge, savinge that which he tooke in meate and drinke.  And yet, sayth he, I speake it not to reprove them that grow riche by such spoiles: but bicause I woulde contende in vertue rather with the best, then in money with the richest, or in covetousnes with the most vertuous. {glory+} For, not only he him selfe was cleare from bribes and extorcion, but his officers also under him kept the same course.  In this Spanish jorney, he had five of his servauntes with him, whereof one of them called Pauus, bought three younge boyes that were taken in the warres, when the spoile was solde to them that would geve most.  So Cato knew it. But Pauus being afrayed to come neere his maister, hong him selfe: and then Cato solde the boyes againe, and put the money made of them into the treasory chestes of saving at ROME.  Now while Cato was in SPAYNE, Scipio the great that was his enemy, and sought to hinder the course of his prosperitie, and to have the honor of conqueringe all the rest of SPAYNE: he made all the frendes he could to the people, to be chosen in Catoes place.  He was no sooner entred into his charge, but he made all the possible spede he could to be gone, that he might make Catoes authority cease the sooner. Cato hearing of his hasty comminge, tooke only five ensignes of footemen, and five hundred horsemen to attende upon him home: with the which, in his jorney homeward, he overcame a people in SPAYNE called the LACETANIANS, and tooke sixe hundred traytors also that were fled from the ROMAINES campe to their ene- 

mies, and did put to death every mothers childe of them.  Scipio storming at that, sayd Cato did him wrong.  But Cato to mocke him finely, sayed: it was the right way to bringe ROME to florish, when noble borne citizens would not suffer meane borne men, and upstarts as him selfe was, to go before them in honor: and on the other side when meane borne men woulde contends in vertue, with those that were of noblest race, and farre above them in calling. {glory+} For all that, when Cato came to ROME, the Senate commaunded that nothing shoulde be chaunged nor altered otherwise, then Cato had appointed it, whilest he was in his office.  So that the government for which Scipio made such earnest sute in SPAYNE, was a greater disgrace unto him, then it was unto Cato: bicause he passed al his time and office in peace, having no occasion offered him to doe any notable service worthy memory.  Furthermore, Cato after he had bene Consul, and hadde graunted to him the honor to triumphe: did not as many others doe, that seeke not after vertue, but onely for worldly honor and dignity.  Who, when they have bene called to the highest offices of state, as to be Consulls, and have also graunted them the honor to triumphe: do then leave to deale any more in matters of state, and dispose them selves to live merely and quietely at home, and not to trouble them selves any more.  Now Cato, farre otherwise behaved him selfe.  For he would never leave to exercise vertue, but beganne a freshe, as if he had bene but a young novesse in the world, and as one greedy of honor+ and reputacion, and to take as much paines and more then he did before.  For, to pleasure his frends or any other citizen, he would come to the market place, and pleade their causes for them that required his counsell, and go with his frendes also into the warres.  As he went with Tiberius Sempronius the Consul, and was one of his Lieutenants at the conquest of the contry of 

THRACE, and unto the provinces adjoyning to the river of DANUBYE apon those marches.  After that, he was in GREECE also, a Collonell of a thowsande footemen, under Manius Aquilius, against king Antiochus surnamed the great, who made the ROMAINES as much afrayed of him, as ever they were of enemy but Hanniball.  For, when he had conquered all the regions and provinces of ASIA, which Seleucus Nicanor enjoyed before, and had subdued many barbarous and warlike nations: he was so proude harted, as he would nedes have wars with the ROMAINES, whom he knew to be the only worthy men, and best able to fight with him.  So he made some honest show and pretence of warres, saying: it was to set the GREECIANS at liberty, who had no cause thereof, considering they lived after their owne lawes, and were but lately delivered from the bondage of kinge Philip, and of the MACEDONIANS, through the goodnesse of the ROMAINES.  Notwithstandinge, he came out of ASIA into GREECE With a marvelous great army, and all GREECE. was straight in armes and in wonderfull daunger, bicause of the great promises and large hopes the governours of diverse cities (whome the kinge had wonne and corrupted with money) did make unto them.  Whereupon Manius dispatched Ambassadors unto the cities, & sent Titus Quintius Flaminius, amonge others, who kept the greatest parte of the people from rebellinge (that were easily drawen to geve eare to this innovation) as we have expressed more amply in his life: and Cato beinge sent Ambassador also, perswaded the CORINTHIANS, those of PATRAS, & the AEGIANS, and made them sticke stll to the ROMAINES, and continued a long time at ATHENS.  Some say they finde an oration of his wrytten in the Greeke tongue, which he made before the ATHENIANS, in commendacion of their auncesters: wherein he sayd, he tooke great pleasure to see ATHENS for the beauty and stateli- 

nesse of the city.  But this is false.  For he spake unto the ATHENIANs by an interpreter, though he coulde have uttered his oration in the Greeke tongue if he had bene disposed: but he did like the lawes and customes of his owne contrie, and the ROMAINE tongue so well, that he laughed at them that would praise and commend the Greeke tongue.  As he did once mocke Posthumius Albinus, who wrote an history in the Greeke tongue, praying the readers in his preface to beare with him, if they founde any imperfecdon in the tongue: mary, sayd Cato, he had deserved pardon in deede, if he hadde bene forced to bave wrytten his story in the Greeke tonge, by order of the states of GREECE, called the counsel of the Amphictyons.  They say the ATHENIANS wondered to heare his redy tongue.  For what he had uttered quickely in few words unto the interpreter: the interpreter was driven to deliver them againe with great circumstances, and many words.  So that he left them of this opinion, that the GREECIANS words lay all in their lippes, and the ROMAINES wordes in their heades.  Now kinge Antiochus kept all the straightes and narrow passages of the mountaines called THERMOPYLES, (beinge the ordinary way and entry into GREECE) and had fortified them as well with his army that camped at the foote of the mountains, as also with walles and trenches he had made by hande, besides the naturall strength & fortification of the mount it selfe in sundry places: and so he determined to remaine there, trusting to his owne strength and fortifications aforesayed, and to turne the force of the warres some other way.  The ROMAINES also, they dispayred utterly they should be able any way to charge him before. But Cato remembringe with him selfe the compasse the PERSIANS hadde fetched about before time likewise to enter into GREECE: he departed one night from the campe with parte of the army: to prove if he could finde the ve- 

ry compasse about, the barbarous people had made before.  But as they climbed up the mountains, their guide that was one of the prisoners taken in the contrie, lost his way, and made them wander up and downe in marvelous steepe rockes and crooked wayes, that the poore souldiers were in marvelous ill taking.  Cato seeing the daunger they were brought into by this lewde guide, commaunded all his souldiers not to sturre a foote from thence, and to tary him there: and in the meane time he went him selfe alone, and Lucius Manlius with him (a lustie man, and nimble to climbe apon the rockes) and so went forwarde at adventure, takinge extreame and uncredible paine, and in as much daunger of his life, grubbing all night in the darke without moone light, through wilde Olyve trees, and high rockes (that let them they coulde not see before them, neither could tell whether they went) untill they stumbled at the length uppon a litle pathe way, which went as they thought directly to the foote of the mountains, where the campe of the enemies lay.  So they set uppe certeine markes and tokens, uppon the highest toppes of the rockes they coulde choose, by view of eye to be discerned furthest of upon the mountaine called Callidromus.  And when they had done that, they returned backe againe to fetche the souldiers, whom they led towardes their markes they had set up: untill at the length they founde their pathe waye againe, where they putte their souldiers in order to marche.  Now they went not farre in this pathe they founde, but the way failed them straight and brought them to a bogge: but then they were in worse case then before, and in greater feare, not knowinge they were so neere their enemies, as in deede they were.  The day began to breake a litle, and one of them that marched formest, thought he hearde a noyse, and that he saw the GREEKES campe at the foote of the rockes, and certeine souldiers 

that kept watch there.  Whereupon Cato made them stay, and willed only the FIRMANIANS to come unto him, and none but them, bicause he had founde them faithfull before, and very ready to obey his commaundement.  They were with him at a trise to know his pleasure: so Cato said unto them.  My fellowes, I must have some of our enemies taken prisoners, that I may know of them who they be that keepe that passage, what number they be, what order they keepe, howe they are camped & armed, and after what sorte they determine to fight with us.  The waye to worke this feate, standeth apon swiftness and hardines to runne apon them sodainely, as Lyons doe, which beinge naked feare not to runne into the middest of any hearde of fearfull beastes. He had no sooner spoken these wordes, but the FIRMANIAN souldiers beganne to runne downe the mountains, as they were, apon those that kept the watch: and so setting apon them, they beinge out of order, made them flie, and tooke an armed man prisoner.  When they had him, they straight brought him unto Cato, who by othe of the prisoner was advertised, howe that the strength of their enemies armie was lodged about the persone of the kinge, within the straight and valley of the said mountains: and that the souldiers they saw, were sixe hundred AETOLIANS, all brave souldiers, whome they had chosen and appointed to keepe the toppe of the rockes over king Antiochus campe. When Cato had heard him, making small accompt of the matter, as well for their small number, as also for the ill order they kept: he made the trompets sounde straight, and his souldiers to marche in battell with great cries, him selfe being the formest man of all his troupe, with a sworde drawen in his hand.  But when the AETOLIANS saw them comming downe the rockes towardes them, they beganne to flie for life unto their great campe, which they filled full of feare, trouble, and all disorder.  Now 

Manius at the same present also, gave an assault unto the walles and fortifications the king had made, overthwart the vallies and straightes of the mountaines: at which assault, king Antiochus selfe had a blow on the face with a stone, that strake some of his teeth out of his mouth, so that for very paine and anguish he felt, he turned his horse backe, and got him behinde the prease.  And then there were none of his armie that made any more resistaunce, or that coulde abide the fiercenesse of the ROMAINES.  But notwithstanding that the places were very ill for flying, bicause it was unpossible for them to scatter and straggle, beinge holden in with high rockes on the one side of them, and with bogges and deepe marisses on the other side, which they must needes fall into if their feete slipped, or were thrust forwarde by any: yet they fell one apon an other in the straightes, and ranne so in heapes together, that they cast them selves away, for feare of the ROMAINES swordes that lighted uppon them in every corner.  And there Marcus Cato, that never made ceremony or nisenes to praise him selfe openly, nor reckened it any shame to do it: did take a present occasion for it, as falleth out apon all victory and famous exploytes. And so did set it out with all the ostentacion and brave wordes he could geve.  For he wrote with his owne handes, that such as saw him chase and lay upon his flying enemies that day, were driven to say, that Cato was not bound to the ROMAINES, but the ROMAINES bound unto Cato.  And then Manius the Consull selfe, being in a great heate with the furie of the battell, embraced Cato a great while, that was also hotte with chasinge of the enemy: and spake alowde with great joy before them all, that neither he, nor the people of ROME could recompence Cato for his valliant service that day. After this battell, the Consul Manius sent Cato to ROME, to be the messenger him selfe to reporte the newes of the victory. 

So he imbarked incontinently, and had such a fayer winde, that he passed over the sea to BRINDES without any daunger, and went from thence unto TARENTUM in one day, and from TARENTUM in foure dayes more to ROME.  And so he came to ROME in five dayes after his landing in ITALIE, and made such speede, that him selfe was in deede the first messenger that brought newes of the victorie.  Whereupon he filled all ROME with joy and sacrifices, and made the ROMAINES so proude, that ever after they thought them selves able men to conquer the worlde both by sea and lande.  And these be all the martiall deedes and noble actes Cato did.  But for his doings in civill policie and state, he semed to be of this opinion.  That to accuse and pursue the wicked, he thought it was the best thinge an honest man and good governour of the common wealth coulde employ him selfe unto: for he accused many, and subscribed many other accusations which they preferred.  And to be shorte, he did alwayes stirre up some accuser, as he did Petilius against Scipio. But Scipio, by reason of his nobility, the greatnes of his house, and the magnanimity+ of his minde, passed not for any accusation they could lay against him: being out of all feare, they shoulde be able to condemne him. And so he let fall the accusation he had against him.  Notwithstanding, he joyned with other that accused Lucius Scipio, his owne brother, and followed the matter so sore against him, that he caused him to be condemned in a great summe of money to the common wealth: who being unable to pay the fine, had gone to prison, & hardly scaped it, had not the Tribunes of the people revoked his condemnation.  It is sayd that Cato comming through the market place one day, and meeting with a younge manne by the way that had overthrowen his adversary in sute, and put one of his late fathers greatest enemies to open shame and foyle before the people: he imbraced 

him with a good countenaunce, and sayd unto him.  Oh my sonne, sacrifices that good children should offer to their fathers soule, be not lammes nor kiddes, but the teares and condemnations of their enemies.  But as he vexed other, so he scaped not free him selfe from daunger, in adminiaration of the common wealth.  For if they could katch the least vantage in the world of him, his enemies straight accused him: so as they say he was accused almost a fifty times, and at the last time of his accusation, he was about the age of foure score yeares.  And then he spake a thing openly that was noted: that it was a harder thinge to geve up an accompt of his life before men in any other world, then in this among whom he lived.  And yet was not this the last sute he followed: for foure yeares after, when he was foure score and tenne yeares of age, he accused Servius Galba.  And thus he lived as Nestor, in maner three ages of man, alwayes in continuall sute and action. For when he wrestled with the first Scipio the AFRICAN about matters of state and common wealth: he went on unto the time of the seconde, that was adopted by the first Scipioes sonne, the naturall sonne of Paulus AEmylius, who overcame Perseus, king of MACEDON.  Furthermore, Marcus Cato, tenne yeares after his Consulship, sued to be Censor, which was in ROME the greatest office of dignity that any citizen of ROME could attaine unto: and as a man may say, the roome of all glory and honor of their common wealth.  For among other authorities the Censor had power to examine mens lives and maners, and to punish every offendor.  For the ROMAINES were of that minde, that they woulde not have men mary, gette children, live privately by them selves, and make feastes and banckettes at their pleasure, they should stande in feare to be reproved and inquiered of by the magistrate: and that it was not good to geve every body liberty, to doe what they would, fol- 

lowing his owne lust and fansie.  And they judging that mens naturall dispositions do appeare more in such things, then in all other thinges that are openly done at none dayes, & in the sight of the worlde: used to choose two Censors, that were two Surveyors of maners, to see that every man behaved him selfe vertuously, & gave not them selves to pleasure, not to breake the lawes and customes of the common wealth.  These officers were called in their tongue, Censores, and alwayes of custome one of them was a PATRICIAN, and the other a commoner.  These two had power and authority to disgrade a knight by taking away his horse, and to put any of the Senate, whom they saw live dissolutely and disorderly.  It was their office also, to ceasse and rate every citizen accordinge to the estimacion of their goodes, to note the age, genealogies & degrees of every man, & to kepe bookes of them, besides many other prerogatives they had belonging to their office.  Therefore when Cato came to sue for this office among other, the chiefest Senators were all bent against him.  Some of them for very envy, thinkinge it shame and dishonor to the nobility, to suffer menne that were meanely borne, and upstartes (the first of their house and name, that ever came to beare office in the state) to be called and preferred unto the highest offices of state in all their common wealth.  Other also that were ill livers, and knowing that they had offended the lawes of their contry: they feared his cruelty to much, imagining he would spare no man, nor pardon any offence, having the law in his owne hands.  So when they had consulted together about it, they did set up seven competitors agamst him, who flattered the people with many fayer wordes and pronises, as though they had neede of magistrates to use them gently, and to doe thinges for to please them.  But Cato contrariwise, shewinge no countenaunce that he would use them gently in the office, but 

openly in the pulpit for orations, threatning those that had lived naughtily and wickedly, he cried out: that they must reforme their citie, and perswaded the people not to choose the gentlest, but the sharpest phisitions: and that him selfe was such a one as they needed, & among the PATRICIANS Valerius Flaccus an other, in whose company he hoped (they two beinge chosen Censors) to do great good unto the common wealth, by burninge and cutting of (like Hydras heades) all vanity and voluptuous pleasures, that were crept in amongest them: and that he sawe well enough, how all the other suters sought the office by dishonest meanes, fearing such officers as they knew would deale justly and uprightly.  Then did the people of ROME shew them selves nobly minded, & worthy of noble governours.  For they refused not the sowernesse or severity of Cato, but rejected these meale mouthed men, that seemed ready to please the people in all thinges: and thereupon chose Marcus Cato Censor, & Valerius Flaccus to be his fellow, and they did obey him, as if he hadde bene present officer, and no suter for the office, being in themselves to give it to whom they thought good. The first thing he did after he was stalled in his Censorship, was: that he named Lucius Valerius Flaccus, his frend and fellow Censor with him, prince of the Senate: and among many other also whom he thrust out of the Senate, he put Lucius Quintius FIaminius of the Senate, that had bene Consull seven yeares before, and was brother also unto Titus Quintius Flaminius that overcame Philip king of MACEDON in battell, which was greater glory to him, then that he had bene Consull.  But the cause why he put him of the Senate, was this.  This Lucius Quintius caried ever with him a younge boy to the warres, whom he gave as good countenaunce and credit unto, as to any of his best familiar frendes he had about him.  It fortuned on a time whileft Lucius Quintius was 

Consull and governour of a province, that he made a feast, and this boy being set at his table hard by him, as his maner was, he beganne to flatter him, knowing how to handle him when he was pretily mery: and soothing him, told him he loved him so dearely, that upon his departing from ROME, when the Swordeplaiers were ready to fight for life and death with unrebated swords to shew the people pastime, he came his way, and left the sight of that he never saw, that was very desirous to have seene a man killed. Then this Lucius Quintius, to make him see the like, sayed: care not for the sight thou hast lost, boy, for I will let thee see as much.  And when he had spoken these wordes, he commaunded a prisoner condemned to dye, to be fetched and brought into his hall before him, & the hangman with his axe.  Which was forthwith done according to his commaundement.  Then asked he the boy, if he would straight see the man killed: yea, Sir, sayd the boy: and with that he bad the hangman strike of his head.  Most wryters reporte this matter thus.  And Cicero to confirme it also, wrote in his booke de Senectute that the same was wrytten in an oration Cato made before the people of ROME.  Now Lucius Quintius beinge thus shamefully put of the Senate by Cato, his brother Titus beinge offended withall, coulde not tell what to doe, but besought the people they woulde commaunde Cato to declare the cause, why he brought such shame unto his house.  Whereuppon Cato openly before the people, made recitall of all this feast.  And when Lucius denied it, affirminge it was not so:  Cato would have had him sworne before them all, that it was not true they had burdened him withall.  But Lucius prayed them to pardon him, who sayed he woulde not sweare:  Whereupon the people judged straight that he deserved well that shame.  So not longe after, certaine games beinge shewed in the Theater, Lucius came thither, and passinge be-

yonde the ordinary place that was appointed for those that had bene Consuls, he went to sit aloofe of amongest the multitude.  The people tooke pity on him, and made such a do about him, as they forced him to rise, and to go sit among the other Senators that had bene Consuls: salving the best they could, the shame and dishonor happened unto so noble a house. Cato put out of the Senate also, one Manilius, who was in great towardnes to have bene made Consull the next yere following, only bicause he kissed his wife to lovingly in the day time, and before his daughter: {Angelo+} and reproving him for it, he tolde him, his wife never kissed him, but when it thundered.  So when he was disposed to be mery, he would say it was happy with him when Jupiter thundered.  He tooke away Lucius Scipioes horse from him, that had triumphed for the victories he had won against the great king Antiochus: which wan him much ill wil, bicause it appeared to the world he did it of purpose, for the malice he did beare Scipio the AFRICAN, that was dead.  But the most thing that greeved the people of all other extreamities he used, was his putting downe of all feastes and vaine expences.  For a man to take it cleane away, and to be openly seene in it, it was unpossible, bicause it was so common a thinge, and every man was given so to it.  Therefore Cato to fetche it about indirectly, did praise everv citizens goodes, and rated their apparell, their coches their litters, their wives chaines and juells, and all other moveables and household stuffe, that had cost above a thousand five hundred Drachmes a peece, at tenne times as much as they were worth: to the end that such as had bestowed their money in those curious trifles, should pay so much more subsidie to the maintenance of the common wealth, as their goods were over valued at.  Moreover he ordained for every thousand Asses that those trifling things were praised at, the owners of them 

should pay three thousand Asses to the common tresory: to the ende that they who were greeved with this taxe, and sawe other pay lesse subsidy (that were as much worth as them selves by living without such toye might call home them selves againe, and lay a side such foolishe bravery and finenesse.  Notwithstandinge, Cato was envied every way.  First, of them that were contente to pay the taxe imposed, rather then they would leave their vanity: and next, of them also, that would rather reforme them selves, then pay the taxe.  And some thinke that this law was devised rather to take away their goodes, then to let them to make shew of them: and they have a fonde opinion besides, that their riches is better seene in superfluous things, then in necessary.  Whereat they say Aristotle the Philosopher did wonder more, then at any other thing: how men could thinke them more rich and happy, that had many curious and superfluous things, then those that had necessary and profitable things.  And Scopas the THESSALIAN, when one of his familiar frends asked him, I know not what trifling thing, and to make bim graunt it the sooner, told him it was a thinge he might well spare, and did him no good: mary sayeth he, all the goodes I have, are in such toyes as do me no good.  So this covetous desire we have to be rich, commeth of no necessary desire in nature, but is bred in us by a false opinion from the common sorte.  Now, Cato caringe least of all for the exclamations they made against him, grewe to be more straight and severe.  For he cut of the pipes and quilles private men had made to convey water into their houses and gardens, robbing the city of the water that came from their common conduite heades, and did plucke downe also mens porches that were made before their dores into the strete, and brought downe the prises of common workes in the city, and moreover raised the common farmes and customes 

of the city, as high as he could: all which things together made him greatly hated and envied of most men.  Wherefore, Titus Flaminius, and certaine other beinge bent against him in open Senate, caused all Catoes covenauntes and bargaines made, with the master worke man for repayring and mending of the common buildings and holy places, to be made voide, as things greatly prejudiciall to the common wealth.  And they did also stirre up the boldest and rashest of the Tribunes of the people against him, bicause they should accuse him unto the people, & make request he might be condemned in the summe of two talentes.  They did marvelously hinder also the buildinge of the pallace he built at the charge of the common wealth, looking into the market place under the Senate house: which pallace was finished notwithstanding and called after his name, Basilica Porcia: as who would say, the pallace Porcia the Censor built.  Howebeit it seemed the people of ROME did greatly like and commend his government in the Censorshippe.  For they set up a statue of him in the temple of the goddesse of health, whereunder they wrote not his victories nor triumphe but only ingraved this inscription word for worde, to this effect by translation:  For the honor of Marcus Cato the Censor: bicause he reformed the discipline of the common wealth of ROME (that was farre out of order, and given to licentious life) by his wise preceptes, good maners, and holy institutions.  In deede, before this image was set up for him, he was wont to mocke at them that delighted, and were desirous of such thinges: saying, they did not consider how they bragged+ in founders, painters, and image makers, but nothing of their vertues: and that for him selfe, the people did alwayes cary lively images of him in their hartes, meaninge the memory of his life and doings.  When some wondered why diverse meane men and unknowen persones had images 

set up of them, and there were none of him: he gave them this aunswer. I had rather men should aske why Cato had no Image set up for him, then why he had any.  In the ende, he would have no honest man abide to be praised, onles his praise turned to the benefit of the common wealth:{PlainDealer+} and yet was he one of them that would most praise him selfe.  So that if any had done a fault, or stept awry, and that men had gone about to reprove them: he woulde say they were not to be blamed, for they were no Catoes that did offende.  And such as counterfeated to follow any of his doinges, and came shorte of his maner, he called them left handed Catoes.  He would say, that in most daungerous times the Senate used to cast their eyes upon him, as passengers on the sea do looke upon the master of the shippe in a storme: and that many times when he was absent, the Senate would put over matters of importance, untill he might come amonge them.  And this is confirmed to be true, as well by other, as by him selfe.  His authority was great in matters of state, for his wisedome, his eloquence, and great experience.  Besides this commendacion, they praised him for a good father to his children, a good husband to his wife, and a good saver for his profit: for he was never careles of them, as things to be lightly passed on.  And therfore me thinkes I must nedes tell you by the way, some parte of his well doinge, to followe our declaration of him.  First of all, he maried a gentlewoman more noble then rich, knowing that either of both should make her proude and stoute enough: but yet he ever thought the nobler borne, would be the more ashamed of dishonesty, then the meaner borne: and therefore that they would be more obedient to their husbandes, in all honest maner and reasonable things.  Furthermore, he sayd: that he that bet his wife or his child, did commit as great a sacriledge, as if he polluted or spoiled the holyest thinges of

the world: and he thought it a greater praise for a man to be a good husband, then a good Senator.  And therefore he thought nothinge more commendable in the life of olde Socrates, then his pacience, in using his wife well, that was such a shrewe, and his children that were so harebrainde.  After Catoes wife had brought him a sonne, he could not have so earnest busines in hande, if it had not touched the common wealth, but he would let all alone, to go home to his house, about the time his wife did unswadell the younge boy to washe and shift him: for she gave it sucke with her owne brestes, and many times woulde let the slaves children sucke of her also, bicause they might have a naturall love towardes her sonne, havinge sucked one milke, and bene brought up together.  When his sonne was come to age of discretion, and that he was able to learne any thinge, Cato him selfe did teache him, notwithstanding he had a slave in his house called Chilo (a very honest man, and a good grammarian) who did also teach many other: but as he sayed him selfe, he did not like, a slave should rebuke his sonne, not pull him by the eares, when paradventure he was not apt to take very sodainely that was taught him: neither would he have his sonne bounde to a slave for so great a matter as that, as to have his learning of him. Wherefore be him selfe taught him his grammer, the law, and to exercise his body, not only to throw a dart, to play at the sword, to vawt, to ride a horse, and to handle all sortes of weapons, but also to fight with fistes, to abide colde and heate, and to swimme over a swift river.  He sayed moreover, that he wrote goodly histories+ in great letters with his owne hande, bicause his sonne might learne in his fathers house the vertues of good men in times past, that he taking example by their doings should frame his life to excell them.  He sayde also that he tooke as great heede of speaking any 

fowle or uncomely wordes before his sonne, as he would have done if he had bene before the Vestall Nunnes.  He never was in the whotte house with his sonne: for it was a common use with the ROMAINES at that time, that the sonnes in law did not bathe them selves with their fathers inlaw, but were ashamed to see one another naked+.  But afterwardes they havinge learned of the GREEKES to wash them selves naked with men, it taught them also to be naked in the bathe even with their wives.  There lacked no towardlines, nor good disposition in Catoes sonne, to frame him selve vertuous: for he was of so good a nature, that he shewed him selfe willing to followe whatsoever his father had taught him.  Howebeit he was such a weake pulinge, that he coulde not away with much hardnesse, and therefore his father was contented not to binde him to that straight and painfull life, which him selfe had kept.  Yet he became valliant in the warres.  For be fought marvelous stowtely in the battell, in which Perseus the kinge of MACEDON was overthrowen by Paulus AEmylius: where his sword being striken out of his hand with a great blow that lighted on it, and by reason his hand was somwhat sweaty besides, he fell into a great fury, and prayed of his frendes about him to recover it.  So they all together ranne uppon the enemies in that place where his sword fell out of his hande, and came in so fiercely on them, that they made a line through them, and clearing the place, found it in the end, but with much a do, being under such a heape of dead bodies and other. weapons, as well ROMAINES as MACEDONIANS, one lying on an other. Paulus Emylius the Generall hearing of this gift of his, did highly commende the younge man.  And at this day there is a letter extant from Cato to his sonne, in the which he praiseth this worthy fact and toile of his, for the recoveringe of his sworde againe.  Afterwardes, this Cato the younger maried Ter- 

tia, one of Paulus AEmylius daughters, and sister unto Scipio the seconde, and so was matched in this noble house, not onely for his owne vertues sake, but for respect of his fathers dignity and authority: wherby the great care, paines, and study that Cato the father tooke in bringing up his sonne in vertue and learninge was honorably rewarded in the happy bestowing of his sonne.  He ever had a great number of young litle slaves which he bought, when any would sell their prisoners in the warres.  He did choose them thus young, bicause they were apt yet to learne any thinge he would traine them unto, and that a man might breake them, like young coltes, or litle whelpes.  But none of them all, how many soever he had, did ever goe to any mans house, but when him selfe or his wife did sende them.  If any man asked them what Cato did: they aunswered, they coulde not tell. And when they were within, either they must needes be occupied about somewhat, or else they must sleepe: for he loved them well that were sleepy, holdinge opinion that slaves that loved sleepe were more tractable, and willing to do any thing a man would set them to, then those that were waking.  And bicause he thought that nothing more did provoke slaves to mischiefe & naughtines, then lust and desire of women: he was contented his slaves might company with his bondewomen in his house, for a peece of money he appointed them to pay, but with straight connnaundement besides, that none of them should deale with any other woman abroade.  At the first when he gave him selfe to follow the warres, and was not greatly rich, he never was angry for any fault his servauntes did about his persone: saying it was a fowle thing for a gentleman or noble man, to fall out with his servauntes for his belly.  Afterwardes, as he rose to better state, and grew to be wealthier, if he had made a dinner or supper for any of his friendes and familiars, they were 

no sooner gone, but he woulde scourge them with whippes and leather thonges, that had not waited as they should have done at the borde, or had forgotten any thing he would have had done.  He would ever craftily make one of them fall out with an other: for he could not abide they should be frendes, beinge ever jealous of that. lf any of them had done a fault that deserved death, he would declare this offence before them all: and then if they condemned him to dye, he would put him to death before them all.  Howebeit in his latter time he grewe greedy, and gave up his tillage, sayinge it was rather pleasaunt, then profitable.  Therfore bicause he would lay out his money surely, and bring a certaine revenue to his purse he bestowed it uppon pondes naturall hotte bathes, places fit for fullers craft, upon meadowes and pastures, upon copises and young wodde: and of all these he made a great and a more quiet revenue yearly, which he would say, Jupiter him selfe could not diminishe.  Furthermore, he was a great userer, both by land and by sea: and the usery+ he tooke by sea was most extreame of all other, for he used it in this sorte.  He would have them to whome he lent his money unto, that traffiked by sea, to have many parteners, and to the number of fifty: and that they should have so many shippes. Then he would venter among them for a parte onely, whereof quintius his slave whom he had manumised, was made his factor, and used to sayle, and traffiked with the marchaunts, to whom he had lent his money out to usery. And thus he did not venter all the money he lent, but a litle peece only for his parte, and gotte marvelous riches by his usery.  Moreover he lent money to any of his slaves, that would therwith buy other young slaves, whom they taught and brought up to do service, at Catoes charge & cost: and then they solde them againe at the yeares ende, and some of them Cato kept for his owne service, & gave 

his slaves as much for them, as any other offered.  Therfore to allure his sonne in like manner to make profitte of his money: he tolde him it was no wise mans parte to diminishe his substance, but rather the parte of a widowe.  Yet this was a token of a most greedy covetous minde, that he durst affirme him to be divine, & worthy immortall praise, that increased his wealth & patrimony more, then his father left him.  Furthermore, when Cato was growen very olde, Carneades the ACADEMICKE, and Diogenes the STOICKE, were sent from ATHENs as Ambassadors to ROME, to sue for a release of a fyne of five hundred talentes which they had imposed on the ATHENIANs apon a condemnation passed against them, for a contempt of appearaunce, by the sentence of the SICYONIANS, at the sute of the OROPIANS.  Immediatly when these two Philosophers were arrivedin the citie ofROME, the younge gentlemen that were geven to their bookes, did visite and welcome them, and gave great reverence to them after they had heard them speake, and specially to Carneades+: whose grace in speaking, and force of perswading was no lesse, then the fame ranne uppon him, and specially when he was to speake in so great an audience, and before such a state, as would not suppresse his praise.  ROME straight was full, as if a winde had blowen this rumor into every mans eare: that there was a GREECIAN arrived, a famous learned man, who with his eloquence woulde leade a man as he lust.  There was no other talke a while through the whole city, he had so inflamed the younge gentlemens mindes with love and desire to be learned: that all other pleasures and delightes were set a side, & they disposed them selves to no other exercise, but to the study of Philosophy, as if some secrete and divine inspiration from above had procured them to it.  Whereof the Lordes and Senators of ROME, were glad, and rejoyced much to see their youth so well geven to 

knowledge, and to the study of the Greeke tongue, and to delite in the company of these two great and excellent learned men.  But Marcus Cato, even from the beginning that young men beganne to study the Greeke tongue, & that it grewe in estimacion in ROME, did dislike of it: fearing least the youth of ROME, that were desirous of learninge and eloquence, woulde utterly give over the honor and glory of armes.  Furthermore, when he sawe the estimacion and fame of these two personages did increase more and more, and in such sorte that Caius Aquilius, one of the chiefest of the Senate, made sute to be their interpreter: he determined then to convey them out of the citie by some honest meane & culour.  So he openly found fault one day in the Senate, that the Ambassadors were long there, and had no dispatche: considering also they were cunninge men, & coulde easily perswade what they would.  And if there were no other respect, this onely might perswade them to determine some aunswere for them, and so to send them home againe to their schooles, to teach their children of GREECE, and to let alone the children of ROME, that they might learne to obey the lawes and the Senate, as they had done before.  Now he spake this to the Senate, not of any private ill will or malice he bare to Carneades, as some men thought: but bicause he generally hated Philosophy, {pedantry+} and of an ambition despised, the muses, and knowledge of the Greeke tongue. Such was the more suspected, bicause he had sayd, the auncient Socrates was but a busie man, and a sturrer up of sedition, and sought by all meanes possible to usurpe tyranny, and rule in his contrie: by perverting and chaunging the manners and customes of the same, and alluringe the subjects thereof to a auncient customes.  And he laughed at Socrates schoole, that taught the arte of eloquence: saying, his schollers waxed old, and were still 

so long a learning, that they ment to use their eloquence and pleade causes in an other worlde, before Minos, when they were dead.  Therefore, to plucke his sonne from the study of the Greeke tongue, he sayd to him with a strayned voyce, and in a bigger sound then he was wont to doe: (as if he had spoken to him by way of prophecy or inspiration) that so longe as the ROMAINES disposed them selves to study the Greeke tongue, so longe woulde they marre and bring all to nought.  And yet time hath proved his vaine wordes false and untrue.  For the citie of ROME did never florishe so much, nor the ROMAINE Empire was ever so great, as at that time, when learninge and the Greeke tongue most florished.  Howebeit Cato did not onely hate the Philosophers of GREECE, but did dislike them also, that professed phisicke in ROME.  For he had either hearde or red the aunswere Hippocrates made, when the king of PERSIA sent for him, & offered him a great summe of golde and silver, if he woulde come and serve him: who sware he would never serve the barbarous people, that were naturall enemies to the GREECIANS. So Cato affirmed, it was an othe that al other phisitions sware ever after: wherefore he commaunded his sonne to flie from them all alike, & sayed he hadde wrytten a litle booke of phisicke, with the which he did heale those of his house when they were sicke, & did keepe them in health when they were whole.  He never forbad them to eate, but did alwayes bringe them uppe with erbes, and certaine light meates, as mallard, ringedoves, and hares: for such meates, sayd he, are good for the sicke, and light of disgestion, saving that they make them dreame and snorte that eate them. He boasted also how with this maner of phisicke, he did alwayes keepe him selfe in health, and his family from sickenes.  Yet for all that, I take it, he did not all that he bragged of for he buried both his wife, and his sonne also.  But 

he him selfe was of a stronge nature, and a lusty body, ful of strength, and health, and lived long without sickenesse: so that when he was a very olde man & past mariage, he loved women well, and maried a younge maiden for that cause onely.  After his first wife was dead, he maried his sonne unto Paulus AEmylius daughter, the sister of Scipio, the seconde AFRICAN. Cato him selfe beinge a widower, tooke paines with a prety younge maid that waited in his house, and came by stelth to his chamber: howebeit this haunt coulde not long continue secret in his house, and specially where there was a younge gentlewoman maried, but needes must be spied.  So, one day when this young maide went somewhat boldly by the chamber of young Cato, to go into his father, the young man sayd never a word at it: yet his father perceived that he was somewhat ashamed, and gave maide no good countenaunce.  Wherefore findinge that his sonne and daughter in lawe were angry with the matter, sayinge nothinge to them of it, nor shewinge them any ill countenaunce: he went one morninge to the market place (as his maner was) with a traine that followed him, amongest whome was one Salonius, that had bene his clearke, and wayted upon him as the rest did.  Cato calling him out alowde by his name, asked him if he hadde not yet bestowed his daughter.  Salonius aunswered him, he had not yet bestowed her, nor woulde not, before he made him privie to it.  Then Cato tolde him againe:  I have founde out a husbande for her, and a sonne in lawe for thee, and it will be no ill matche for her, unlesse she mislike the age of the man, for in deede he is very olde, but otherwise there is no faulte in him.  Salonius tolde him againe, that for that matter, he referred all to him, and his daughter also, prayinge him even to make what matche he thought good for her: for she was his humble servaunt, and relyed wholly uppon him, stand- 

in neede of his favor and furtheraunce.  Then Cato beganne to discover, and tolde him plainely he woulde willingely mary her him selfe.  Salonius therewith was abashed, bicause he thought Cato was too olde to mary then, and him selfe was no fitte manne to matche in any honorable house, speciallie with a Consull and one that hadde triumphed: howebeit in the ende, when he sawe Cato ment good earnest, he was very glad of the matche, and so with this talke they went on together to the markette place, and agreed then upon the mariage.  Now while they went about this matter, Cato the sonne taking some of his kinne and frendes with him, went unto his father, to aske him if he had offended him in any thinge, that for spight he shoulde bringe him a steppe mother into his house.  Then his father cried out, and sayd:  O my sonne, I pray thee say not so, I like well all thou doest, and I finde no cause to complaine of thee: but I do it, bicause I desire to have many children, and to leave many such like citizens as thou art, in the common wealth.  Some say that Pisistratus the tyran of ATHENS, made such a like aunswere unto the children of his first wife, which were men growen, when he maried his seconde wife Timonassa, of the towne of ARGOS, of whom he had (as it is reported) Iophon, and Thessalus.  But to returne againe to Cato, he had a sonne by his second wife, whom he named after her name, Cato SALONIAN: and his eldest sonne died in his office beinge Praetor, of whome he often speaketh in diverse of his bookes, commendinge him for a very honest man.  And they say, he tooke the death of him very paciently, and like a grave wise man, not leaving therefore to do any service or businesse for the state, otherwise then he did before.  And therein he did not, as Lucius Lucullus, and Metellus surnamed Pius, did afterwards: who gave up medling any more with matters of government and state, after they were waxen olde. 

For he thought it a charge and duety, whereunto every honest man whilest he lived, was bounde in all piety. {active+} Nor as Scipio AFRICAN hadde done before him, who perceiving that the glory and fame of his doings did purchase him the ill will of the citizens, he chaunged the rest of his life into quietness and forsooke the citie and all dealings in common wealth, and went and dwelt in the contry.  But as there was one that told Dionysius, the tyran of SYRACUSA, as it is wrytten, that he could not die more honorably, then to be buried in the tyranny: even so did Cato thinke, that he could not waxe more honestlie olde, then in serving of the common wealth, unto his dying day.  So at vacant times, when Cato was desirous a litle to recreate and refresh him selfe, he passed his time away in makinge of bookes, and lookinge uppon his husbandry in the contry.  This is the cause why he wrote so many kindes of bookes and stories.  But his tillage and husbandry in the contry, he did tende and followe all in his youth, for his profit. For he sayed he had but two sortes of revenue, tillage, and sparinge: but in age, whatsoever he did in the contry, it was all for pleasure, and to learne some thinge ever of nature.  For he hath wrytten a booke of the contry life, and of tillage, in the which he sheweth howe to make tattes & cakes, and how to keepe frutes.  He woulde needes shew such singularity and skill in all thinges: when he was in his house in the contry, he fared a litle better then he did in other places, and would oftentimes bid his neighbours, and such as had lande lying about him, to come and suppe with him, and he would be mery with them: so that his company was not onely pleasaunt, and likinge to olde folkes as him selfe, but also to the younger sorte.  For he had seene much, & had experience in many thinges, and used much pleasaunt talke, profitable for the hearers.  He thought the bord one ofthe chiefest meanes to breede love amongest 

men, and at his owne table woulde alwayes praise good men and vertuous citizens, but would suffer no talke of evill men, neither in their praise nor dispraise.  Now it is thought the last notable acte and service he did in the common wealth, was the overthrow of CARTHAGE: for in deede he that wanne it, and rased it utterly, was Scipio the seconde, but it was chiefely through Catoes counsell and advise, that the last warre was taken in hand against the CARTHAGINIANS, and it chaunced apon this occasion.  Cato was sent into AFRICKE to understande the cause and controversie that was betwene the CARTHAGINIANS & Massinissa, kinge of NUMIDIA, which were at great warres together.  And he was sent thither, bicause king Massinissa had ever bene a frend unto the ROMAINES, and for that the CARTHAGINIANS were become their confederates since the last warres, in the which they were overthrowen by Scipio the first, who tooke for a fyne of them, a great parte of their Empire, & imposed apon them besides, a great yearely tribute.  Now when he was come into that contrie, he founde not the citie of CARTHAGE in miserie, beggerie, and out of harte, as the ROMAINES supposed: but full of lusty youthes very riche and wealthie, and great store of armour and munition in it for the warres, so that by reason of the wealth thereof, CARTHAGE caried a high sayle, and stowped not for a litle.  Wherefore he thought that it was more then time for the ROMAINES to leave to understande the controversies betwext the CARTHAGINIANS and Massinissa, and rather to provide betimes to destroye CARTHAGE, that hadde beene ever an auncient ennemie to the ROMAINES, and ever sought to be revenged of that they hadde suffered at their handes before, and that they were now growen to that greatnes and corage in so shorte time, as in manner it was incredible: so as it was likely they would fall into as great enmity with the ROMAINIES, as 

they ever did before.  Therefore so soone as he returned to ROME, he plainly tolde the Senate, that the losses and harmes the CARTHHAGINIANs had received by the last warres they had with them, had not so much diminished their power and strength, as the same had shewed their owne folly and lacke of wisdom: for it was to be feared much, least their late troubles had made them more skilfull, then weakened them for the warres.  And that they made warres nowe with the NUMlDIANS, to exercise them onely, meaninge afterwardes to warre with them selves: and that the peace they had made with them, was but an intermission and stay of warres, only expecting time and opportunity to breake with them againe.  They say moreover, that besides the perswasions he used, he brought with him of purpose, AFRICKE, figges in his long sleeves, which he shooke out amongest them in the Senate.  When the Senators marvailed to see so goodly fayer greene figges, he sayed: the contry that beareth them, is not above three dayes sailinge from ROME.  But yet this is more straunge which they reporte of him besides: that he never declared his opinion in any matter in the Senate after that, but this was ever the one ende of his tale: me thinketh still CARTHAGE would be utterly destroyed. Publius Scipio Nasica used ever in like manner the contrary speech: that he thought it meete CARTHAGE should stand.  This Publius Scipio saw, in my opinion, that the ROMAINES through their pride and insolency were full of absurdities, and caried them selves very high, by reason of their happy successe and victories, and were so lofty minded, that the Senate could hardly rule them: and that by reason of their great authoritie, they imagined they might bringe their citie to what height they would.  Therefore he spake it, that the feare of CARTHAGE might alwayes continue as a bridle, to raigne in the insolency of the people of ROME, who 

knew well enough, that the CARTHAGINIANS were of no sufficient power to make warres with the ROMAINES, nor yet to overcome them: and even so were they not wholly to be despised, and not to be feared at all.  Cato still replied to the contrary, that therein consisted the greatest daunger of all: that a citie which was ever of great force and power, and had bene punished by former warres and misery, would alwayes have an eye of revenge to their enemies, and be much like a horse that had broken his halter, that being unbridled, would runne upon his rider.  And therefore he thought it not good, not sounde advise, so to suffer the CARTHAGINIANS to recover their strength, but rather they ought altogether to take away all outward daunger, and the feare they stoode in to loose their conquest: and specially, when they left meanes within the city selfe to fall still againe to their former rebellion.  And this is the cause why they suppose Cato was the occasion, of the thirde and last warre the ROMAINES had against the CARTHAGINIANS. But now when the warre was begonne, Cato died, and before his death he prophecied, as a man would say, who it should be that should ende those warres.  And it was Scipio the second, who being a young man at that time, had charge only as a Colonell over a thousand footemen: but in all battells, and wheresoever there was warres, he shewed him selfe ever valliant and wise.  Insomuch as newes being brought thereof continually unto ROME, and Cato hearinge them, spake as they say, these two verses of Homer:  This only man right wise, reputed is to be, all other seeme but shadowes set, by such wise men as be.  Which prophecy, Scipio soone after confirmed true by his doinges.  Moreover, the issue Cato left behinde him, was a sonne he had by his seconde wife: who was called 

(as we sayd before) Cato SALONIAN, by reason of his mother, and a litle boy of his eldest sonne that died before.  This Cato SALONIAN died being Praetor, but he left a sonne behinde him that came to be Consull, and was grandfather unto Cato the Philosopher, one of the most vertuous men of his time.
 
 

NOW that we have sette downe in wrytinge, these notable and worthie things of memory: if we will conferre the life of the one, with the life of the other, perhappes the difference betwene the one and the other will not easily be discerned, seeinge there be so many similitudes and resemblances one of an other.  But if we come to compare them in every particularity, as we would doe Poets workes, or pictures drawen in tables: first, in this we shall finde them much a like, that having had nothing else to preferre and commende them, but their onely vertue and wisdom, they have bene both governors in their common wealth, and have thereby atchieved to great honor and estimacion.  But me thinkes when Aristides came to deale in matters of state, the common wealth and seigniory of ATHENS was then of no great power, and therefore it was easie for him to set him self in prease.  Besides, the other governors & captaines that were of his time, and competitors with him, were not very rich, nor of great authority.  For the taxe of the tichest persones then at ATHENS in revenue, was but at five hundred bushells of corne, and upwards, and therefore were such called Pentacosiomedimni. The se- 

cond taxe was but at three bundred bushels, and they were called knights. The third and last was at two hundred bushells, and they called them Zeugitae. Where Marcus Cato comminge out of a litle village, from a rude contry life, went at the first dashe (as it were) to plunge him selfe into a bottomles sea of government in the common wealth of ROME: which was not ruled then by such governors and captaines, as Curius, Fabricius, and Ostilius were in old time.  For the people of ROME did no more bestow their offices upon such meane laboring men, as came but lately from the plough and the mattocke: but they woulde looke now apon the nobility of their houses, and upon their riches, that gave them most money, or sued earnestly to them for the offices. And by reason of their great power and authority, they woulde be waited upon, and sued unto, by those that sought to beare the honorable offices of the state and common wealth.  And it was no like match nor comparison, to havee Themistocles an adversary and competitor, being neither of noble house, nor greatly rich (for they say, that all the goodes his father left him, were not worth above foure or five hundred talentes, when he beganne to deale in state) in respect as to contende for the chiefest place of honor and authority against Scipio AFRICAN, Servilius Galba, or Quintius Flaminius, having no other maintenance, not helpe to trust unto, but a tongue speaking boldly with reason and all uprighmest.  Moreover, Aristides at the battells of MARATHON, & of PLATEES, was but one of the tenne captaines of the ATHENIANS: where Cato was chosen one of the two Consuls among many other noble and great competitors, and one of the two Censors, before seven other that made sute for it, which were all men of great reputacion in the citie, and yet was Cato preferred before them all.  Furthermore, Aristides was never the chiefest in any victory.  For at the 

battell of MARATHON, Miltiades was the generall: and at the battell of SALAMINA, Themistocles: and at the jorney of PLATAEES, king Pausanias, as Herodotus sayeth, who wryteth that he had a marvelous victory there. And there were that strived with Aristides for the second Place, as Sophanes, Amynias, Callimachus, and Cynegirus, every one of the which did notable valliant service at those battells.  Now Cato was generall him selfe, & chiefe of all his army in worthines and counsell, during the warre he made in SPAYNE, while he was Consull.  Afterwards also in the jorney where king Antiochus was overthrowen in the contry of THERMOPYLES, Cato being but a Colonell of a thousands footemen, and servinge under an other that was Consull, wanne the honor of the victory, when he did sodainely set upon Antiochus behinde, whereas he looked only to defend him selfe before.  And that victory, without all doubt was one of the chiefest actes that ever Cato did, who drove ASIA out of GREECE, & opened the way unto Lucius Scipio to passe afterwardes into ASIA.  So then for the warres, neither the one nor the other of them was ever overcome in battell: but in peace and civill government, Aristides was supplanted by Themistocles, who by practise got him to be banished ATHENS for a time.  Whereas Cato had in manner all the greatest and nobleft men of ROME that were in his time, sworne enemies unto him: and having alwayes contended with them even to his last hower, he ever kept him selfe on sounde grounde, like a stoute champion, & never tooke fall nor foyle.  For he having accused many before the people, and many also accusing him: himselfe was never once condemned, but alwayes his tongue was the buckeler & defence of his life and innocency.  Which was to him so necessary a weapon, and with it he could help himselfe so in great matters, that (in my opinion) it was only cause why he never received dishonor, nor 

was unjustly condemned: rather then for any thing else he was beholding to fortune, or to any other that did protect him.  And truely, eloquence is a singular gift, as Antipater witnesseth, in that he wrote of Aristotle the Philosopher after his death: saying, that amongest many other singular graces and perfeefions in him, he had this rare gift, that he coulde perswade what he listed.  Now there is a rule confessed of all the world, that no man can attaine any greater vertue or knowledge, then to know how to governe a multitude of men, or a city: a parte wherof is Oeconomia, commonly called houserule, considering that a city is no other, then an assembly of many householdes and houses together, and then is the city commonly strong and of power, when as the townes men and citizens are wise and wealthy.  Therefore Lycurgus that banished golde and silver from LACEDAEMON, and coyned them money of iron, that woulde be marred with fyre and vinegre when it was hot, did not forbid his citizens to be good husbands: but like a good lawmaker, exceeding all other that ever went before him, he did not onely cut of all superfluous expences that commonly wayte uppon riches, but did also provide that his people should lacke nothing necessary to live withall, fearing more to see a begger and nedy persone dwellinge in his citie, & enjoy the priviledges of the same, then a proude man by reason of his riches. So me thinkes, Cato was as good a father to his householde, as he was a good governor to the commonwealth: for he did honestly increase his goodes, and did teach other also to do the same, by saving, and knowledge of good husbandry, whereof, in his booke he wrote sundry good rules and precepts. Aristides contrariwise, made justice odious and slaunderous by his poverty, and as a thing that made men poore, and was more profitable to other, then to a mans selfe that used justice.  And yet Hesiodus the Poet, that 

commendeth justice so much, doth wishe us withall to be good husbandes, reproving sloth and idleness as the roote and originah of all injustice. And therefore me thinkes Homer spake wisely when he sayed.

In times past, neither did I labor, carcke nor care
for business, for family, for food, nor yet for fare:
but rather did delight, with shippes the seaes to saile,
to drawe a bow, to fling a dart in warres and to prevaile.

proved.  For when it lighteth apon any man that is honest, and liveth well, that taketh paines, is very diligent, just, valliant, wise, and governeth a common wealth well: then it is a great signe of a noble minde.  For it is unpossible that man should doe any great thinges, that had such a base minde, as to thinke alwayes uppon trifles: and that he shoulde relieve the poore greatly, that lacketh him selfe reliefe in many thinges.  And sure, riches is not so necessary for an honest man that will deale truely in the common wealth, and government, as is sufficiency: which beinge a contentacion in it selfe, and desirous of no superfluous thing, it never withdraweth a man from following his businesse in the common wealth, that enjoyeth the same.  For God is he alone, who simply and absolutely hath no neede of any thinge at all: wherefore the chiefest vertue that can be in man, and that commeth nearest unto God, ought to be esteemed that, which maketh man to have neede of least thinges.  For like as a lusty body, and well complexioned, hath no neede of superfluous fare and curious apparell: even so a cleane life, and sounde house, is kept with a litle charge, and so shoulde the goodes also be proportioned accordinge to use and necessity. For he that gathereth much, and spendeth litle, hath never enough.  But admit he hath no desire to spend much, then he is a foole to travell to get more then he needeth: and if he do desire it, and dare not for niggardlines spende parte of that he laboreth for, then is he miserable.  Now woulde I aske Cato with a goodwill, if riches be made but to use them, why do you boast then you have gotten much together, when a litle doth suffice you? and if it be a commendable thing (as in troth it is) to be contented with the breade you finde, to drinke of the same tappe workemen and laborers do, not to care for purple dyed gownes, nor for houses with plastered walles: it followeth then that neither Aristides, 

nor Epaminondas, nor Manius Curius, nor Caius Fabricius, have forgotten any parte of their dueties, when they cared not for gettinge of that which they would not use nor occupy.  For it was to no purpose for a man that esteemed rootes and parsenipes to be one of the best dishes in the worlde, and that did seeth them him selfe in his chimney, whiles his wife did bake his bread, to talke so much of an Asse, and to take paines to wryte by what arte and industry a man might quickely enrich him selfe.  For it is true, that sufficiency, and to be contented with a litle, is a good and commendable thinge: but it is bicause it taketh from us all desire of unnecessary thinges, and maketh us not to passe for them.  And therefore we finde that Aristides sayd, when riche Callias case was pleaded, that such as were poore against their willes, ought wel be ashamed of their poverty: but such as were willingly poore, had good cause, and might justly rejoyce at it.  For it were a mad parte to thinke that Aristides poverty proceeded of a base minde & slothfulness since he might quickely have made him selfe rich without any dishonesty at all, by taking only the spoyle of some one of the barbarous people whome he had overcome, or any one of their tentes.  But enough for this matter.  Furthermore, touching the victories and battells Cato had wonne, they did in maner litle helpe to increase the Empire of ROME: for it was already so great, as it could almost be no greater.  But Aristides victories are the greatest conquestes and nobleft actes that the GREECIANs ever did in any warres: as the jorney of MARARHON, the battell of SALAMINA, and the battell of PLATEES.  And yet there is no reason to compare king Antiochus with king Xerxes, nor the walles of the Citie of SPAYNE which Cato overthrewe and rased, unto so many thousands of barbarous people which were then overthrowen and put to the sword by the GREECIANS, as well by lande, as by sea.  In all which

services, Aristides was the chiefest before all other, as touching his valliantnes in fighting: notwithstanding, he gave other the glory of it, that desired it more then him selfe, as he did easily also leave the gold and silver unto those, that had more neede of it then him selfe.  Wherein he shewed him selfe of a nobler minde, then all they did.  Furthermore, for my parte, I will not reprove Catoes manner, to commende and extoll him selfe so highly above all other, since he him selfe sayth in an oration he made, that to praise himself is as much folly, as also to dispraise himselfe: but this I thinke, his vertue is more perfect, that desireth other should not praise him, then he that commonly doth use to praise him selfe.  For, not to be ambitious, is a great shew of humanity, and necessary for him that will live amongest men of government: and even so, ambition is hatefull, and procureth great envy unto him, that is infested withall. of the which Aristides was cleare, and Cato farre gone in it.  For Aristides did help Themistocles his chiefest enemie, in all his nobleft actes, and did serve him (as a man would say) like a private souldier that garded his persone, when Themistocles was generall, beinge the onely instrument and meane of his glory: which was in deede the onely cause that the city of ATHENS was saved, and restored againe to her former good state.  Cato contrariwise, crossing Scipio in all his enterprises, thought to binde this voyage and jorney unto CARTHAGE in the which he overcame Hannibal, who untill that time was ever invincible: and so in the ende, continuing him still in jealouzy with the state, and ever accusinge of him, he never left him, till he had driven him out of the city, and caused his brother Lucius Scipio to be shamefully condemned for theft, and ill behaviour in his charge.  Furthermore, for temperaunce and modesty, which Cato did ever commende so highly:  Ariflides truely kept them most sincerely.  But 

Catoes seconde wife, who maried a maide, (that was neither fit for his dignity and calling, nor agreeable for his age) made him to be thought a lecherous man, and not without manifest cause.  For he can not be excused with honesty, that beinge a man past mariage, brought his sonne that was maried, and his fayer daughter in lawe, a steppe mother into his house, and but a clearkes daughter, whose father did wryte for money, for any man that woulde hyer him.  Take it Cato maried her to satisfie his lust, or else for spite to be revenged of his sonne, bicause his sonne coulde not abide his younge filth he had before: either of these turneth still to his shame, as wel the effect, as also the cause.  Againe, the excuse he made to his sonne why he maried, was also a lye.  For if he had grounded his desire in deede, to have gotten other children, as he sayd, that might be as honest men as his eldest sonne: then surely he had done well after the death of his firft wife, if he had sought him an other wife soone after, that had bene of an honest house, and not to have lien with a young harlatry filth, til his sonne had spied him, and then when he saw it was knowen, to goe and mary her, and to make alliance with him, not bicause it was honorable for him to do it, but was easiest to be obtained.

IN the city of MANTINEA, there was a citizen in old time called Cassander, one that was as nobly borne and of as great authoritie in government there, as any man of his time whatsoever.  Notwithstanding, fortune frowned on him in the ende, insomuch as he was driven out of his contry, and went to lye in the City of MEGALOPOLIS, only for the love he bare unto Crausis, Philopoemenes father, a rare man, and nobly geven in all thinges, and one that loved him also very well.  Now so longe as Crausis lived, Cassander was so well used at his handes, that he could lacke nothing: and when he was departed this worlde, Cassander, to requite the love Crausis bare him in his life time, tooke his sonne into his charge, being an orphane, and taught him, as Homer sayd Achilles was brought up by the olde Phoenix. So this childe Philo
<Plut3-214> 

poemen grewe to have noble conditions, and increased alwayes from good to better.  Afterwardes, when he came to grow to mans state, Ecdemus and Demophanes, both MEGALIPOLITANS, tooke him into their government.  They were two Philosophers that had bene hearers of Arcesilaus, in the schoole of Academia, and afterwardes employed all the Philosophy they had learned, apon the governing of the common wealth, and dealing in matters of state, as much or more, then any other men of their time.  For they delivered their city from the tyranny of Aristodemus, who kept it in subjection, by corruptinge those that killed him.  And they did helpe Aratus also to drive the tyrant Niocles, out of SICYONE.  At the request of the CYRENIANS, that were troubled with civil dissention and factions among them, they went unto CYRENA, where they did reforme the state of the common wealth, and stablished good lawes for them.  But for them selves, they reckened the education and bringing up of Philopoemen, the chiefest acte that ever they did: judging that they had procured an universall good unto alI GREECE, to bring up a man of so noble a nature, in the rules and precepts of Philosophy.  And to say truely, GRECE did love him passingly well, as the last valliant man she brought foorth in her age, after so many great and famous auncient Captaines: and did alwayes increase his power and authority, as his glory did also rise. Whereuppon there was a ROMAINE, who to praise him the more, called him the last of the GREECIANS: meaninge, that after him, GREECE never brought foorth any worthy persone, deservinge the name of a GREECIAN.  And now concerninge his persone, he had no ill face, as many suppose he had: for his whole image is yet to be seene in the city of DELPHES, excellently well done, as if he were alive.  And for that they reporte of his hostesse in the city of MEGARA, who tooke him for a serving man: that was 

by reason of his curtesie, not standing uppon his reputacion, and bicause he went plainely+ besides.  For she understanding that the Generall of the ACHAIANS came to Inne there all night, she besturred her, and was very busie preparinge for his supper, her husband paradventure being from home at that time: & in the meane season came Philopoemen into the Inne, with a poore cloke on his backe.  The simple woman seeinge him no better apparelled, tooke him for one of his men that came before to provide his lodging, and so prayed him to lende her his hande in the kitchin.  He straight cast of his cloke, and beganne to fall to hewe wodde.  So, as Philopomen was busie about it, in commeth her husbande, and findinge him rivinge of wodde: ha ha ha, sayd he, my Lorde Philopoemen, why what meaneth this? Truely nothing else, sayd he in his DORICAN tongue, but that I am punished, bicause I am neither fayer boy, nor goodly man.  It is true that Titus Quintius Flaminius sayed one day unto him, seeminge to mocke him for his personage: O Philopoemen, thou hast fayer handes, and good legges, but thou hast no belly, for he was fine in the waste, and small bodied.  Notwithstandinge, I take it this jeastinge tended rather to the proportion of his army, then of his body: bicause he had both good horsemen, and footemen, but he was often without money to pay them.  These geastes, schollers have taken uppe in schooles, of Philopoemen.  But now to discend to his nature and conditions: it seemeth that the ambition and desire he had to winne honor in his doinges, was not without some heate and wilfullnes.  For bicause he would altogether follow Epaminondas steppes, he shewed his hardines to enterprise any thing, his wisedome to execute all great matters, and his integrity+ also, in that no money could corrupt him: but in civill matters and controversies, he coulde hardly otherwhiles keepe himselfe within the bondes of modesty, 

pacience, and curtesie, but woulde often burft out into choller, and wilfulnes.  Wherfore it seemeth, that he wa a better Captaine for warres, then a wise governor for peace.  And in deede, even from his youth he ever loved souldiers, and armes, and delited marvelously in all martiall exercises: as in handling of his weapon well, riding of horses gallantly, and in vawting nimbly.  And bicause he seemed to have a naturall gift in wresfflnge, certaine of his frendes, & such as were carefull of him, did wishe him to geve him selfe most unto that exercise.  Then he asked them if their life that made such profession woulde be no hinderaunce to their martiall exercises. Aunswere was made him againe, that the disposition of the persone, and manner of life that wrestlers used, and such as followed like exercises, was altogether contrary to the life and discipline of a souldier, and specially touching life and limbe.  For wrestlers studied altogether to keepe them selves in good plight, by much sleeping, eating, and drinking, by laboring, and taking their ease at certaine howers, by not missinge a jotte of their exercises: and besides, we